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Paul Kagame: “Our Kind of Guy”
Edward S. Herman and David Peterson
3 January 2011
Paul Kagame and Michelle and Barack Obama.

In a more recent time frame, extending from 1990 to today, Paul Kagame, an even more ferocious mass killer, has gotten support from the first George Bush, Bill Clinton, the second George Bush, and now Barack Obama (whose Deputy Secretary of State hadn’t gotten around to looking at the draft UN Report on Kagame’s mass killings in the DRC).

Photo: voltairenet.org
Paul Kagame and the Obama's
As regards evidence on the killings, there is no doubt that many Tutsi were killed, although mostly in sporadic bursts and localized vengeance killings, not as the result of a systematically planned operation of Hutu commanders.
Only the Kagame forces seem to have killed on a systematic and planned basis.
In fact, it is highly likely that far more than half of those killed in Rwanda during the April-July 1994 period were Hutu; and of course after the RPF seized state power in July, Hutu deaths inside both Rwanda and later the DRC continued unabated for another decade-and-a-half.
There is great continuity in U.S. policy in the Third World, and it is not pleasant.
Thus a Bill Clinton official could find the mass killer Suharto “our kind of guy” in 1995, and Suharto received steady U.S. support for 33 years, through the administrations of Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, and Clinton, until his downfall during the Asian currency crisis in 1998.
In a more recent time frame, extending from 1990 to today, Paul Kagame, an even more ferocious mass killer, has gotten support from the first George Bush, Bill Clinton, the second George Bush, and now Barack Obama (whose Deputy Secretary of State hadn’t gotten around to looking at the draft UN Report on Kagame’s mass killings in the DRC).
It is interesting, also, to see the media treat this latest “our kind of guy” so kindly, with the liberal New Yorker’s Philip Gourevitch even comparing Kagame to Abe Lincoln (in his 1998 book We wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be killed with our families), and Stephen Kinzer publishing a hagiography of this deadly agent of U.S. power (A Thousand Hills: Rwanda’s Rebirth and the Man Who Dreamed It [2008]).
This leaked UN report and the negative publicity generated by Kagame’s sham election in August 2010 may open up the mainstream a bit to a more honest examination of this U.S.-supported mass killer.
But that is no sure thing, given the value of his service to U.S. power in Africa, and given the U.S. establishment’s deep commitment to a narrative that for many years has protected and even sanctified the “man who dreamed”.
To view this complete article    click here
 
Africa's Female Mandela?  Victoire Ingabiré Umuhoza on Trial
Opposition presidential candidate Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza stood before a judge in Kigali, Rwanda, on April 22, after the Kagame government arrested and charged her with 'associating with terrorists' and 'genocide ideology.'
A crime unique to Rwanda which includes 'divisionism' and 'revisionism,' meaning politics, and/or attempting to revise the received history of the 1994 Rwanda Genocide.
by Ann Garrison
Global Research, May 16, 2010
Plutocracy Now April 22, 2010
Two weeks earlier, on April 7th, speaking at a commemorative ceremony, on the 16th anniversary of the civilian massacres known as the Rwanda Genocide, Rwandan President Paul Kagame referred to Victoire Ingabiré Umuhoza as 'some lady,' an example of 'some people' who 'just come from nowhere, useless people.'
He refused to speak her proper name, though she is widely acknowledged as the leading opposition candidate in Rwanda's 2010 presidential election, and many of her supporters now call her Africa's female Mandela.
Paul Kagame:
"Some people want to encourage political hooliganism.
Some people just come from nowhere, useless people.
I see everytime in the pictures, some lady who had her deputy, a genocide criminal, her deputy, talking about 'y'know, there's Rwanda Genocide, but there is another. . . so that is politics. And the world says, 'The opposition leader!'
But I know those who say it and who support that.
They know it is wrong, but it is an expression of contempt these people have for Rwandans and for Africans, that they think Africans deserve to be led by these hooligans, and to that we say NO, a big NO.
And if anybody wants a fight there, we'll give them a fight."
http://youtube.com/watchv=vO9Zad51kJc&feature=related
Two weeks later, on April 21st, Kagame's security police arrested Ingabire, then brought her before a Rwandan court for a bail hearing within six hours, creating a flurry of international news.
Not only the African press, but also the BBC
Radio Netherlands
CNN
Yahoo News via Agence France Presse
and other outlets around the world, including the
San Francisco Bay View, National Black Newspaper
Black Star News
and
Global Research reported the story.
It appeared on blogs across Africa, Europe, and North America, often with notes urging readers to contact Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch.
Two days later, on April 23rd, Rwandan authorities gave Human Rights Watch researcher Carina Tertsakian,
24 hours to get out of the country.
Even the
New York Times, which had until then ignored this year's Rwandan presidential election, finally published three accounts of Ingabire's arrest on April 21st.
The next day the
Washington Post, which had also been ignoring the story, finally published a Reuters wire reporting that Ingabire had been released on bail that morning.
Shortly after the news of her release, the International Humanitarian Law Institute of St. Paul Minnesota announced that its director, William and Mitchell Law School Professor
Peter Erlinder, and Wichita Lawyer Kurt P. Kerns, will join Ingabire's Rwandan lawyer Protais Mutembe in her legal defense.
Ingabiré is charged with 'genocide related crime,' meaning crime related to the 1994 Rwanda Genocide, the central narrative justifying Rwanda's political life and relationship to the outside world, and, most of all, to its most ardent defenders and donors, the US and the UK.
Article continues below towards end of page
Friday, 2 April, 2004
'Living among the dead'
Flora Mukampore
Flora Mukampore
In 1994 in the village of Nyarubuye, Rwanda, the Hutu majority went on a killing spree in the local church, slaughtering neighbours and friends.
Flora Mukampore lost 17 members of her family and saw her neighbour doing the killing. This is her story.
 We used to go to church with them and they taught us together that committing murder is a sin and God punishes those who kill.
We thought that no one would dare come to attack us at the church because the church is a holy place.
[When the killers arrived] our men were ready to fight, even though they didn't have any weapons, so they died standing. You would not think that they were all going to get killed because they were very many.  We did not think they would get killed.
Drenched in blood
My neighbour Gitera was there.  Imagine someone leaving their home, knowing the possible victim's name and their children's names.
They all killed their neighbours' wives and children.
All the people they were cutting fell on me because I was near the door.  I had too much hair but it all was washed with blood.
My body had been drenched in blood and it was getting dry on me so killers thought I had been cut all over.  They thought I was dead.
I lay down on one side with only one eye open.  I could hear a man come toward me and I guess he saw me breathe.  He hit me on my head saying:  "Isn't this thing still alive?"
At some point God helped me and made me unconscious because if I wasn't, there is a possibility that I would have committed suicide
Flora Mukampore
Immediately I heard my entire body say "whaa".  Something in my head changed forever.  Everything stopped.
Afterwards, when the cold wind blew.  I woke up.  But I did not realise that there were bodies around me.  I did not remember what had happened.
I just thought they were normal people and so I slept among them like we had slept before the killers came.
Suicide
Later I heard the girl say: "She is rotten.  It's all over for her.  Does she look human to you? "
Then I realised that all the people around me had decayed.
When they sat me up I realised there were maggots and I started removing them off myself.
Can you imagine living with the dead?   At some point God helped me and made me unconscious because if I wasn't, there is a possibility that I would have committed suicide.
But, I wasn't conscious and anyway killing oneself needs energy.  Can you imagine.  People died on the 15 April and I lived among them until the 15 May?
Remains of Juvénal Habyarimana presidential plane, 1994

April 1994 a plane carrying Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana and the president of Burundi, Cyprien Ntaryamira was shot down.

Photo: globalresearch.ca
Remains of Juvénal Habyarimana’s presidential plane, 1994
Photo: GlobalResearch.ca
"Rwanda's Deadliest Secret: Who Shot Down President Habyarimana's Plane?"
The most under-investigated of political assassinations
by Tiphaine Dickson
Global Research, November 24, 2008
Who is Rose Kabuye?
Retired Colonel Rose Kabuye was recently arrested in Germany, and extradited to France, where she was charged with for complicity in murder in relation to a terrorist enterprise her alleged participation in the 1994 shooting down of Juvénal Habyarimana’s presidential plane, and released on bail.
She is the first member of Rwandan President Paul Kagame’s inner circle to be charged in connection to what is arguably history’s least-investigated political assassination and terrorist attack.
Colonel Rose Kabuye was born in Uganda, the child of Rwandan expatriates, many of which left the country after it obtained independence, and following a
UN-sponsored referendum abolishing the (Tutsi) monarchy in Rwanda.
She attended primary school with many of the current regime’s hard-liners, and like numerous other Rwandan Tutsi exiles living in Uganda, Kabuye joined the Ugandan Army, where she held the rank of Lieutenant, and became the
personal attaché of the Chief of Staff.
During the same period, Paul Kagame, who attended the
U.S. Army Command and Staff College (CGSC) in Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas, was Chief of Military Intelligence in the Ugandan Army.
On October 1st, 1990, an armed group called the Rwandan Patriotic Front, composed of many Ugandan officers, including Rose Kabuye and Paul Kagame,
invaded Rwanda from Uganda, with Ugandan military materiel, and Ugandan soldiers.
President Museveni of Uganda claimed that these 'rebels' were acting unbeknownst to him, and had 'deserted' the Ugandan army; however, there is no account that any of these officers, including Kabuye and Kagame, were ever stripped of their Ugandan military rank, or that they were they ever court-martialed and charged with desertion.
It is said that Rose Kabuye — who charmed foreign journalists by holding her baby on her knee in press conferences held after the RPF invasion of Rwanda —
was imprisoned for several months by Kagame in 1993, for undisclosed reasons.
In April 1994, she was back in Kigali, Rwanda, working in an administrative capacity at the RPF headquarters.
French judge Jean-Louis Bruguière accuses her of having abetted the SAM 16 missile attack on the plane carrying Presidents Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda, and Cyprien Ntaryamira, of Burundi.
The indictment states that it was in her office that the members of the 'Network Commando', the RPF cell alleged to have shot down the presidential plane, waited for their orders, on April 6th, 1994.
Rose Kabuye was named 'Prefet' (or governor) of Kigali after the tragic event of 1994.
She was later designated to participate in the National Transitional Assembly by Kagame, but was later removed.
Colonel Kabuye was subsequently named Chief of Protocol of President Kagame.
She is the highest-ranking woman in the Rwandan Patriotic Army.
A Convenient Arrest
Kabuye’s arrest and extradition to France arrest comes at a curious time and is accompanied by circumstances that deserve closer scrutiny.
It appears that, according to both French and German government sources, Rose Kabuye had been warned that if she traveled to Germany, she would be arrested pursuant to a warrant launched by French anti-terrorism judge, Jean-Louis Bruguière; a claim she now denies, expressing instead 'surprise' at her arrest.
Much has been said of Colonel Kabuye’s willingness to face justice in France so that 'the truth be known'; President Paul Kagame has ever referred to
'lancing the boil'.
It has been speculated that General Kagame has sent his Chief of Protocol — a Lieutenant herself—to attempt, first, to
obtain a copy of judge Bruguière’s file, and secondly, to 'reveal the weakness' of the case against himself, and inner circle.
Indeed, Kabuye is, among those charged, the individual against whom the charges are least severe, and whose implication may seem to be less instrumental than others.
This theory is revealing to some extent, but fails to take into account what are high-level diplomatic and political attempts to paradoxically, move away from, and not towards, the truth.
The shooting down of the plane carrying Presidents Habyarimana of Rwanda and Ntaryamira of Burundi triggered the large-scale massacres that followed.
The role of this attack on the nightmare that unfolded is obvious, yet over the years, and with the exception of judge Bruguière’s investigation, efforts to elucidate this crime have been frustrated almost every step of the way.
An investigation was requested on numerous occasions, by numerous parties; significantly, by the Security Council, almost immediately, whose reminders to the Secretary-General to investigate the circumstances of the attack were not followed; by the Rwandan Government, after the plane was shot down; by the African Union; and following the UN resolution establishing the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities adopted resolution 1994/1 entitled 'Situation in Rwanda', calling the attention of the Commission of Experts, established by the Security Council, to the need to inquire into the circumstances of the shooting down of the plane.
In 1997, as defense counsel for Georges Rutaganda before the ICTR, I argued a motion requesting the Prosecutor disclose results of investigations into the shooting down of the Presidential plane, or be directed to undertake investigations, if none had been carried out.
The
Prosecutor’s representative responded:
"Our responsibility and mandate is not to investigate plane crashes.
That's not really our function.
Therefore, I would categorically answer this question by saying that, first, we don't have any such investigation.
We have not made any such investigation and we don't have any reports.
And, secondly, it is not our function, it is not our mandate, to investigate plane crashes or presidents, vice-presidents, or whoever it is.
And, therefore, this is really a matter not within our province."
We have since learned from Michael Hourigan, Australian lawyer and one of former Prosecutor Louise Arbour’s lead investigators, that investigations had in fact been carried out (and at the material period when this fact had been denied),
but had been shut down by Prosecutor Arbour personally once Hourigan informed her that he had credible evidence that a 'network commando' of the RPF had shot down the plane.
The efforts to undermine this investigation over the years are significant, and the testimony of Abdul Ruzibiza, a former RPF officer
who testified before the ICTR, sheds substantial light on why that may be. Ruzibiza, one of judge Bruguière’s witnesses, claims to have recanted the totality of his testimony in several telephone interviews given last week.
1994 refugee camp
Yet Ruzibiza wrote a book setting out in detail the fact that Kagame’s RPF shot down the plane with the knowledge that armed hostilities would resume in Rwanda, as he was dissatisfied with the political process undertaken after belligerent parties had signed the Arusha Peace Accords.
In other words, knowing full well that chaos would descend upon Rwanda (or with incomprehensible recklessness), Kagame’s strategy was to seize power through the force of arms, and it was guaranteed that war would resume after the assassination of the Rwandan President — and as it happened, the Chief of Staff of the Rwandan Armed Forces, as well as the President of Burundi.
Ruzibiza testified publicly at the ICTR as a defense witness.
The Prosecutor’s cross-examination covers
65 pages of transcripts, yet Ruzibiza’s version was unshaken, much less did he change his version, or recant then, when testifying under oath.
But Rose Kabuye’s arrest and transfer to France appears to have suddenly triggered Ruzibiza’s change of heart and complete recantation of his testimony.
He now claims that Bruguière’s investigation was a French political machination (which does not explain his UN testimony).
Diplomacy’s Pale Underbelly
Perhaps key in understanding what has happened is the policy adopted by France’s Foreign Minister, Bernard Kouchner.
In January 2008, and apparently desperate to normalize relations with Rwanda (which were suspended by Rwanda after Bruguière launched arrest warrants in 2006), he signed an
op ed in Figaro, in which he wrote (my translation):
"I do not know who ordered the April 6th, 1994 attack against President Habyarimana’s plane.
Juvénal Habyarimana

Photo: globalresearch.ca
But I do not believe, as does the excellent judge Jean-Louis Bruguière, that Paul Kagame knowingly decided to spark the fire that roared over his country.
I cannot accept this simplistic and slanderous vision that would have Tutsis be responsible for what happened to them, no more than I can stand to hear certain people claim that there was a double genocide, against both Hutus and Tutsis."
Asked last week [mid-November 2008] whether Kabuye’s indictment in France would present an obstacle to the normalization of relations with Rwanda, he responded: "I believe the contrary."
One can only hope that geo-political concerns will not yet again stand in the way of learning the truth about the circumstances in which President Habyarimana’s plane was shot down by
two surface to air missiles in 1994, even if the truth to be discovered, and justice to be done as a result, leads us to indict those who’ve become some of the West’s strongest allies, and who continue, it seems, to wage a path of destruction through Eastern Congo, with complete immunity.
Indeed, if the RPF shot down President Habyarimana’s plane, Kagame can no longer be deemed a heroic military genius who stopped a genocide and should be forever protected and flattered no matter how many crimes he commits.
He becomes one of the (main) reasons the massacres unfolded: he could not have failed to know that the assassination of two Hutu presidents, and the Chief of Staff of the Rwandan Armed Forces, during a volatile political transition and in the course of a fragile ceasefire (violated on several occasions by the RPF, as it happens), would unleash violence. If the RPF shot down the plane, they are co-responsible, and this substantially changes the cartoonishly uni-dimensional narrative necessary to provide Kagame with total impunity, and buttress a Western foreign policy on intervention that helped make the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia possible politically.
While Bernard Kouchner may not want to believe the results of a careful investigation carried out by France’s most celebrated anti-terrorism judge, and while Judge Bruguière’s witness, Mr. Ruzibiza, may suddenly see fit to recant a testimony given under oath before a UN institution, the fact remains that there are many other witnesses relied upon in the French investigation.
And this most under-investigated of political assassinations, one which sparked a hundred-day massacre, the latter justifying continued war and misery in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and authoritarian rule in Rwanda, must be elucidated, and not quashed yet again, for the sake of geopolitical interests that would impede discovery of truth, and delay justice beyond what can decently be tolerated.
© Copyright 2005-2008 GlobalResearch.ca
 
 
They are not telling you the DR Congo situation is much about valuable resources, but today not even so much as mining, often easier to just mine the commodity stock exchanges if you own the mines
The present corrupt Kinshasa government — backed and supported by Rothschild of Paris greed, Edmond de Rothschild Banque Privée, Swiss Bank Rothschild having business offices in China... among other human growth and spirit devouring succulents — holds a vice-grip onto power
The greed doing little or nothing for anyone except those having control
A cross made of a banana leaf and a stick
An infant's grave
Uncovering Rwanda's secrets
Nick McKenzie
February 10, 2007
MICHAEL Hourigan reviewed his orders as the car pulled into Rwanda's main airport.
He had finished a memo on the intelligence gathered by his Rwandan war crimes investigation team.   Check.   He had saved it onto a disk placed in a secure UN diplomatic bag.   Check.   He had ordered his investigators to leave Rwanda.   Check.
UN 'shut down' Rwanda probe
Rwandan President Paul Kagame 'triggered' genocide.

Photo: AFP

Rwandan President Paul Kagame stated to have 'triggered' genocide.
For the Australian policeman-turned-lawyer, everything appeared to be going smoothly.
But airports are unreliable places and the bullet-scarred Kigali terminal in the African state of Rwanda was no exception.
As Hourigan prepared to board his plane, he was approached by the flight manager.   "You cannot board this flight, Mr Hourigan.   I am afraid it is already full."
It is early 1997.   Just days before, Hourigan has used a secure phone in the US embassy to brief the head of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Judge Louise Arbour, about his team's discovery.
They have obtained incendiary information linking the Tutsi rebel leader and now Rwandan President Paul Kagame to the incident precipitating the Rwandan genocide — the shooting down in April 1994 of a plane carrying Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana and the president of Burundi, Cyprien Ntaryamira.
Hours after the crash, extremists from the Hutu ethnic group begin slaughtering ethnic Tutsis and moderate members of their own clan, unleashing one of the most notorious massacres of the late 20th century.
Hourigan's four-page memo summarises what three informants have told his UN investigators about Kagame's role in the attack.   Until now, that memo has never been made public.
But last November, almost a decade after Hourigan writes the memo, claims that Kagame is behind the plane crash make international headlines.   The claims are made by French anti-terror judge Jean-Louis Brugiere, who finds Kagame and his aides responsible for the attack.
Brugiere's findings follow years of speculation about the existence of Hourigan's memo and what happened to his original investigation.
The French case confirms the central claims in Hourigan's memo.
It raises questions about why the UN cut short Hourigan's inquiry and, once again, highlights the organisation's failure to deliver justice.
A decade later, Hourigan still feels bitterly let down by that failure to act.   "To this day, there has been a decisive effort by the UN not to investigate the plane crash," he says during an interview with The Age this week.
Back in 1997 at Kigali airport, Hourigan's only focus is getting on the UN-chartered plane.
When he is told to return the next day, Hourigan's escort, a senior UN security officer, steps in.
"I have been directed by the Secretary-General to get this man on the plane.
If you treasure your job, you will make it happen."
Minutes later, Hourigan is bracing for take-off, bound for The Hague.   He has no idea that within 48 hours, his investigation will be over and he will quit his job.
Former Rwandan president, Juvenal Habyarimana seen here in 1982 was killed in a plane crash in 1994. 

Photo: AFP

Former Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana, 1982
Michael Hourigan never intended to work in Africa.   After a decade policing in Adelaide, and a brief stint as a public prosecutor, some former colleagues ask him to join them as investigators with the International Criminal Tribunal in Yugoslavia.   It has been set up to prosecute war criminals involved in the Balkans conflict.   Hourigan applies but is told there are too many English speakers.
There are, however, jobs going in Rwanda.
Hourigan's knowledge of Rwanda is limited to CNN reports of the genocide and the film Gorillas in the Mist.   Back then, he says he was no bleeding heart.   However, Rwanda perceptibly changed Hourigan, sharpening his drive for justice and human rights.   He later worked in Washington for a US Democratic congresswoman and has a photo of Bobby Kennedy as his screen saver.
Before Rwanda, Hourigan was more of a 'garden variety Liberal'.   He is attracted to the ICTR because it promises complex investigations, and Hourigan loves to investigate.
He touches down in Rwanda on April 6, 1996.   It is the second anniversary of the 100-day genocide in which extremist Hutus slaughter up to a million Tutsis and moderate Hutus while the international community sits on its hands.   The genocide ends in mid-July when Kagame's Rwandan Patriotic Front seizes control of Kigali.
"There was great tension, a great dislike of white people and UN people.
And I arrived there as a white male in my mid-30s with a UN passport."
Hourigan recalls:
"My first day, I was just wide-eyed.
You could smell the sewage and see the suffering."
The ICTR is set up by the UN Security Council at the end of 1994 to prosecute the genocide's leaders and investigate breaches of international humanitarian law.   Hourigan is appointed leader of 'The National Team'.   It is made up of police from Africa, the US, Canada and Europe.
Hourigan's commander senior anti-terror FBI agent who led crime scene investigations at first World Trade Centre bombing
Hourigan's commander is Jim Lyons, a former senior anti-terror FBI agent who led crime scene investigations at the first World Trade Centre bombing.
The National Team has three core tasks: to investigate the Presidential Guard members who murdered Rwanda's intelligentsia; to investigate the political and military leaders behind the extermination programs; and to investigate the plane crash that kills the two presidents and triggers the genocide.
Kabuye and Albright 1997
Nyanza Genocide Cemetery
Kigali Rwanda
The earliest and most widely held theory blames Hutu extremists for shooting down the plane, over anger at the peace talks between Hutu and Tutsi leaders in Arusha, Tanzania.
But some point the finger at Tutsi rebel leader Paul Kagame, claiming he is upset by the progress of the talks and knows the upheaval sparked by the plane crash will legitimise his invasion and begin his march to power.
Foreign powers linked
In 2000, Kagame becomes president.
Foreign powers are also linked to the downing of the presidential jet.
Rwanda's leaders have long counted on allegiances with external forces.
The governing Hutu regime is in the Franco-Belgian camp.
Kagame, whose military career includes a stint in the US, looks to his Anglo-US supporters.
After he wins power, the national language is changed from French to English.
It is in this messy geopolitical setting that Hourigan's team begin investigating.
"The ICTR had been pressured (by Rwanda and other countries) not to investigate the crash," Hourigan says.
"I thought it was a time for the UN to step up to the plate and discover the truth about a major event.
It would set a benchmark for reliability and transparency."
HOURIGAN models his team on a domestic police force.
Investigators liaise closely with prosecutors to build cases.
The crimes under scrutiny, of course, are far from ordinary.
Death is everywhere and on an unimaginable scale.
"I remember doing crime scene work on a church where there had been a slaughter.
There were still bodies there.
It struck me as so sad that so much of the killing in Rwanda happened around the churches and the schools."
The National Team is quickly met with a reluctance from key overseas and regional players to offer assistance.
Foreign intelligence services share nothing.   After several months, Hourigan and his team are well versed in the rumours about the crash.   What they needed is a break.   It comes with a knock in the night.
"I was in Kigali.   It was late one evening.   One of my investigators came to me with information that he had met with a source."
A short time later, another source comes forward.   And then a third.
"In the next 24 hours, they gave quite incredible information about the rocket attack.
We had received lots of information about possible causes, but this was the most detailed, accurate and timely about one target: President Kagame and his administration."
Hourigan's memo summarises the informant's claims.   Two of them were serving members of Kagame's military regime.   All three claim to be existing or former members of a covert attack team called 'the network'.
The memo states:
"Sources advise that the former RPF, now known as the RGF, has within it a cell of elite soldiers who are activated and deactivated from time to time to conduct special operations.
"One such operation was the successful rocket attack upon President Habyarimana in 1994.
According to the sources, this group was advised to put in place a contingency plan to eliminate President Habyarimana on or about (March 15, 1994) as the Arusha talks were not progressing to the extent hoped and anticipated.
"Their assignment consisted of setting up five deployment points, two in Kigali and three around the airport perimeter.
"The sources have all confirmed that 'the network' under the command of General Paul Kagame planned and executed the rocket attack."
Hourigan treats the information warily:
"We kept an open mind.   But (we had contact) with one man who said he was one of the rocket firers.   That he was responsible for firing one of the SAM missiles that brought the plane down.
"It (their information) was so detailed and named so many people that it could quickly be discarded or corroborated."
Hourigan knows he has to act fast.   The UN has a poor record of protecting its informers.
"People in that part of the world with precious information have use-by dates," Hourigan, who never knew exactly why the sources came forward, says.
"Maybe they realised they had a use-by date and that they would be murdered.
They wanted help with their families and to be removed from Rwanda and protected."
Hourigan's commander, Jim Lyons, arranges a phone briefing with Arbour. The call takes place in the US embassy in Kigali on a 'secure' US embassy line.
I never thought of the US
Later, Hourigan will rue the call.
"I never realised that we may be compromising the investigation.
I didn't understand the politics of the region.
I didn't realise that Paul Kagame had been trained by the US, supported by the US.
I thought that we were keeping the call discrete from the French and the Belgians.
I never thought of the US.
It was a blunder."
But on the other end of the phone, Arbour sounds excited.
"She said it corroborated some other information she had just received.   She was concerned about our safety and the security of the information."
A few days later, Hourigan flies out of Kigali airport, bound for The Hague.
He has no idea that the fate of his investigation is most likely already decided.
Arbour is one of the more prominent residents in a city that promotes itself as the 'centre of international justice and peace'.   The former ICTR chief and Canadian Supreme Court judge is now the UN's Human Rights Commissioner.   The role demands a public presence.
But Hourigan says he is still waiting for her to publicly explain why she told him to shut down the plane crash investigation in early 1997 after he handed her his memo.
Arbour's version of these events is not known, despite efforts by this newspaper to secure them.   Her spokesman did not return questions emailed by The Age.
Hourigan offers his version of the events with fearsome clarity:
"She was aggressive and negative.   She had done a 180-degree turn.   She effectively told me that my inquiry was at an end."
Hourigan says Arbour claims his team exceeded its jurisdiction, a point he still disputes.   He insists the crash is well within the ICTR's mandate.
"I was speechless.   I thought about all I had seen and done in the tribunal and learning about the UN's complicity in the genocide.   I couldn't believe that we as a tribunal were being compromised as well.
It gutted me.   I had put a year and a half of my life into this and my team had risked their lives and our informers had risked their lives to tell this story.
And it was going to be swept under a rug.
I couldn't believe it."
In the city of justice and peace, Hourigan decides to quit the ICTR.
After a further six-month secondment with the UN's oversight office in New York — where he creates a second memo outlining his frustrations with the UN in Rwanda — he resigns.   He has never found out what happened to his team's three informants.
YET, in the ways of these tangled stories, all is not lost.
Kilgali
In France, a revolver-toting anti-terror judge who earned his reputation prosecuting terrorist Carlos the Jackal also has an interest in the events of April 6, 1994, as the shot-down plane's air crew are French nationals.
UN's refusal to hand documents over to France
Hourigan has never heard of Brugiere.   The judge is similarly unaware of Hourigan until March 2000, when a Canadian newspaper reveals details of Hourigan's struggle.   According to a senior French source, the fact that the UN kept secret Hourigan's documents "fuelled our interest".   So, too, does the UN's refusal to hand the documents over to the French.
Hourigan has no such qualms.   After a call from Paris he, once again, boards an international flight.
At Charles de Gaulle Airport, four men in black suits and dark glasses drive Hourigan to Brugiere's chambers, where he tells his story.
It will take until late November last year for Brugiere to issue indictments for several of Kagame's aides.   The judge's brief includes testimony from several former military figures, linking Kagame to the attack.
Kagame has dismissed Brugiere's investigation, claiming it is driven by France's anger at losing its influence in Rwanda.   "It is a political process," he tells the BBC.
Hourigan understands the wariness about France's agenda.   "But I welcome what the French have done for nothing else but that it is done."
Kagame's aides can only be arrested if they enter a country with which France has an extradition treaty.
Kagame is protected from state prosecution because of his head-of-state status.   Only the ICTR has the power to hold him to account.
Despite several major prosecutions, Hourigan views the tribunal as a failure. Many suspects have not been held to account. Rwanda remains a deeply divided country.
"If there was a political will internationally, Kagame could be prosecuted," he says.
"That is what is missing.   It is not the lack of evidence or witnesses or ability to uncover the story."
Click here to download Michael Hourigan's affidavit and internal memorandums
Subtitles inserted by TheWE.cc
Copyright © 2007. The Age Company Ltd.
Hutu man mutilated by Hutu Interahamwe militia
Suspected the man of sympathizing with Tutsi
History:
The Rwandan Genocide was a national eruption of violence.
The mass killings in 1994 of eight hundred thousand of Rwanda's minority Tutsi and Hutu moderates who would not go along with the killing was a final level of action that had causes back to German and Belgium colonialists who brought controlling military forces and superiority in their occupation of Burundi, Rwanda and the Congo.
This manifestation of evil sadism by the western nations resulted in an eruption of death that saw many millions, figures range up to 27 million people in the three central African territories.
In the midst of this death, caught up in a horrific enslavement, a slavery not called slavery but disguised in the word Corvée, German and Belgium elite and royalty, and to various degrees all western royalty and elite, were at the epicenter/
At the heart of the activity was sadism, a system of colonial rule that allowed the practice of unconscionable, conscienceless acts with the excuse it was being done merely to obtain profit, to cultivate rubber and coffee, and other commodities that were shipped back to the colonial masters.
“I was always say if you look at the facts the worst since 1946 was the Congo war.
Caused by monarchism, by the most disgustingly unequal society on earth's rulers, Rwanda, making such a hatefilled unequal society.
Of course the Belgian regime helped and that was Leopold made such a disgusting colonial establishment.”
Women were systematically raped
Hands of villagers were systematically chopped off
Rudyard Kipling called these territories the place where there are no 10 commandments.
The instrument of German, Belgian, and to various degrees other colonial masters, repression was the chicotte — the Portuguese word for whip.
The whip was made out of a fresh strip of raw hippopotamus hide, sun-dried, cut in a corkscrew fashion.
Cutting the hide this way would leave the edges extremely sharp.
The leather would harden while still remaining flexible, making it more painful as the strap would wind around its victim.
The chicotte would leave not only welts but deep scars as it split skin and muscle.
If an official enjoyed extreme sadism, nails would be added to make it more lacerating.
Its use was to physically and psychologically break a person and any families and local tribal grouping.
This sadism 'punishment' was used universally.
Whippings were administered to a stripped victim's back and buttocks.
One officer noting possible difficulty of use of a chicotte, described how to maximize the torture:
One should spread out the blows so that each shall give a fresh pang.
We have a law which forbids us to give more than twenty-five blows in one day, and to stop when the blood flows.
One should therefore give twenty-four of the blows vigorously, but without risking having to stop
Then at the twenty-fifth, with a dexterous twist, one should make the blood spurt.
According to the some colonial laws no more than 25 lashes and it was stated one should stop when blood began to flow.
But there was no control of law in these territories
Sadist masters who had military might and weapons to control could do as they wished
The station chief selects the victim.
Trembling, haggard, they lie face down on the ground.
Two of their companions, sometimes four, seize them by the feet and hands, and remove their cotton drawers.
Each time that the torturer lifts up the chicotte, a reddish stripe appears on the skin of the pitiful victims, who, however firmly held, gasp in frightful contortions.
At the first blows the unhappy victims let out horrible cries which soon become groans.
In a refinement of evil, some officers, and I've witnessed this, demand that when the sufferer gets up, panting, he must graciously give the military salute.
Written by Stanislas Lefranc a Belgian magistrate published 1st June 1908 L'Express de Liege.
Rwanda: obscuring the truth about the genocide
The Rwandan Genocide — mass killings in 1994 of hundreds of thousands of Rwanda's minority Tutsis and the moderates of its Hutu majority — was a national eruption of violence.

Photo: globalresearch.ca
by Barrie Collins
Global Research, August 20, 2008
Moral parable of Rwanda
According to the moral parable of Rwanda, the good guys were the [Tutsi led] Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), which invaded Rwanda in 1990 because it had no other means of protecting the persecuted minority of ethnic Tutsis inside Rwanda and of making the then Hutu-led government accept the right of return of Rwandan Tutsis living abroad as refugees.
The bad guys were in the [Hutu led] Rwandan government and armed forces.
When the international community had helped Rwandans achieve a negotiated settlement, the worst elements among the bad guys drew up a plan to secure Hutu domination once and for all by planning and then implementing genocide against Rwandan Tutsis.
By the time the good guys — the RPF — had fought them off, their evil mission had been largely completed.
Hundreds of thousands of Rwandan Tutsis were dead.
Genocide had occurred, and the Western world had simply looked on passively.
The United States refused to label the war that took place as a genocide in order to resist the clamour for international intervention to save lives.
France was the only force on the United Nations Security Council to respond by sending in French forces under Operation Turquoise.
But France’s real motivation was not to save lives, but to shore up its erstwhile allies: the [Hutu] bad guys.
The French helped them escape Rwanda so that they would not have to answer for their crimes.
A moral analysis like this is compelling because it provides a clear pathway through a maze of complicating factors.
For journalists, this moral signposting of the Rwandan genocide leads the way to great copy about the bravery of the heroes and the moral turpitude of the villains.
For governments, it provides the crucial element of legitimacy that is the essential underpinning of their right to rule.
The [Tutsi led] Rwandan regime under Paul Kagame depends on this version of events for its support and survival.
And so do its principal sponsors, the United States and Great Britain.
As the force that relieved Rwanda from genocide, the RPF — whose leadership currently runs Rwanda — has exploited this version of events to remind Western governments that they failed to live up to the ‘Never Again’ principle that was the driving force behind the passing of the Genocide Convention at the United Nations in 1948.
While they battled the genocidaires in 1994, the Western world simply looked on.
Except France, that is.
But as a supporter of the former, pre-RPF regime, France’s motives for intervening were highly questionable.
It may be the most widely told story of Rwanda, but this version of events is deeply flawed.
While the US may have been embarrassed by this account, appearing less than heroic during the months of Rwanda’s greatest torment, it is far easier for it to live with this embarrassment than to be confronted with the facts of how it did intervene in this region of Africa in the early 1990s and since Kagame came to power.
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The Belgium and German elite and especially the Belgium royalty took great effort to hide sadism and death in theses colonial territories.
They always used 'humanitarian' and 'civilizing' terms.
An elite completely out of control, punishments would often be more than 25 strokes.
So painful and harsh were the lashes they often lead to fainting and unconsciousness.
As many as 100 lashes would be given — the higher the number of lashes the more likely the victim would expire.
Reports are recorded of 150 or 200 strokes — in the enjoyment of the sadism, death intended.
Pour salt and pepper into a victim's wounds would be done as an enjoyement by some officers
Lashes were not used only for the men who were forced to labor, but was also meted out to women and children.
If any died or were too injured it was of no concern.
Millions did die through this period.
Figures range from ten million people upwards who did loose their lives under colonial rule.
Extreme sadism was such an ordinary experience for those practicing it they would refer to it a 'minor punishment' that the victims were accustomed to receiving.
It was not until 1955 that flogging was completely outlawed.
Bantu Hutu Tutsi and Twa:
The shorter Bantu people are earlier inhabitants of the area now known as Rwanda and Burundi and the central Congo territories
These shorter people, compared to the Tutsi, speak a Bantu language similar to that spoken over two thirds of Africa south of the Sahara and by two-thirds of the tribal groups.
It should be noted the Twa, a much shorter people, also live in these territories.
Commonly referred to as Twa pygmies, these people make up only one percent of the population.   Twa speak a click language that has similarities to the Bushman languages of Southern Africa.
In the 1300's, a tall, thin Cushite people migrated from the southern highlands of Ethiopia to the territory known as Burundi, Rwanda and some to the Congo regions.
Small in number, never more than nine to fifteen percent of the general population, they arrived as conquerors.
These Cushite people now known as Tutsi, also known as Hima in various places, though Hima has become a common name given to many smaller tribes, the Tutsi speak a language that has Somali and Oromo roots.
A shared cultural background with the Bacwezi tribes of the northern African territories, the Tutsi also had a disciplined social order.
The Tutsi were, are, cattle-herding warriors, bringing with them humpless cattle not common in the new territory being settled.
Humped Zebu cattle, first domesticated 6,000 years ago in the Indus Valley, had become the stock over much of central and southern Africa among the Bantu peoples.
The Tutsi had created a society where at the head of an elite pyramidal political structure the Mwami king ruled.
The Mwami king, considered to be of divine origin, is responsible for making the country prosper.   A sacred drum, The Kalinga, is hung with the genitals of conquered enemies and those who chose to rebel against the King.
By the Fifteenth century Tutsi have gained rulership
By the fifteenth century the Tutsi ruled what is known presently as Rwanda and Burundi.
The rulership of Mwami Rwabugiri saw a process of expansion of acquired tribal territory.
This meant the annexing of surrounding village-nations.
The ethnic background of these annexed peoples, mostly shorter Bantu village populations, was not a consideration.
Hierarchical status was based upon land, animals owned and wives.
The shorter Bantu were referred to by the name, 'Hutu'.
The Tutsi Mwami king had large estates of banana trees and cattle spread throughout the expanding kingdom.
The best of these estates would be given as a home to a wife of the Mwami — the kings having up to twenty wives.
The Mwami and his retinue would travel between the estates, shedding grace upon the surrounding populations.
Tribute to the Mwami was collected by a Tutsi administrative hierarchy.
Laws and disputed decisions would be decided by a Tutsi ministerial council of great chiefs that had allegiance to the Mwami.    This council known as the batware b'intebe.
Lesser Tutsi chiefs would governed the districts, each district having a cattle chief and a land chief.    The cattle chief would collect a tribute in stock from the tribes governed, the land chief collecting a tribute in produce.
Hill-chiefs and neighborhood chiefs acted as elders.
Rwanda bus with released detainees
May 5, 2003 twenty thousand confessed people released after ten years
Rwanda: obscuring the truth about the genocide
The Rwandan Genocide — mass killings in 1994 of hundreds of thousands of Rwanda's minority Tutsis and the moderates of its Hutu majority — was a national eruption of violence.

Photo: globalresearch.ca
by Barrie Collins
Global Research, August 20, 2008
Western complicity: what about the US?
Yet there is more than the legitimacy of the Rwandan government at stake in this latest retelling of the moral parable on Rwanda.
The RPF would not have sustained its war without diplomatic support from Washington.
The US intervened to legitimise the RPF’s war, even though the justifications for it had by that time proven to be baseless.
The first invasion in 1990 was timed, not to force a reluctant Rwandan government to allow refugees to return, but to disrupt arrangements already in place to accommodate returning refugees.
Rather than being a desertion from the Ugandan military (the RPF leadership were in top positions in the Ugandan state), the invasion of Rwanda in 1990 was a joint Ugandan-RPF venture.
President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda was keen to have an ally in power south of the border.
More importantly, he wanted to be rid of his Rwandan refugee ‘problem’.
The issues of land occupation by Rwandans, and suspicions about the leverage that Rwandans in top official positions enjoyed in the Ugandan government, had generated Museveni’s first political crisis since he took power in 1986.
Behind Uganda was its closest international ally and sponsor, Washington.
It was US intervention, in the person of secretary of state for African affairs Herman Cohen, which chose not to condemn the RPF’s invasion and Uganda’s support for it, but rather to support the military recovery of the RPF upon its initial defeat.
Cohen coerced President Habyarimana not only to negotiate a ceasefire with the RPF, but to enter negotiations with it in order that a stake for the RPF in a new government be agreed.
By July 1992, Rwanda no longer had a single-party regime but a coalition government and a new democratic constitution.
The constitution guaranteed freedom of political organisation and prohibited discrimination on any grounds, ethnic or otherwise.
Of course, it takes more than a constitution to bring about democracy, but it was a promising start and presented another opportunity for the US to tell its Ugandan ally Museveni to pull the plug on the RPF or face the end of the privileged ‘New African Leader’ status that it had bestowed upon him.
There was nothing to prevent the RPF from campaigning for support inside Rwanda alongside the other opposition parties.
Nothing except the fact that the RPF was feared and loathed by the majority of Rwanda’s population.
And yet, Washington was happy for the RPF to intensify its war.
In February 1993, the RPF violated the Arusha ‘peace process’ with its heaviest offensive to date.
It is arguably the case that if there had not been French forces around the capital Kigali, the RPF may have succeeded in seizing power at that time.
The offensive resulted in thousands of deaths and the displacement of nearly a million people, living in miserable conditions in makeshift camps.
This offensive did more than anything else to generate hatred for the RPF and, tragically, for the local Tutsi population who were assumed to be in league with the overwhelmingly Tutsi RPF.
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Military chiefs protected the border regions.
These military chiefs would also direct cattle raids across the borders into neighboring tribal areas.
The Hutu were viewed as to their wealth.
If this wealth was sufficient they would share in elite customs alongside the Tutsi nobility.
The less wealthy Hutu paid tribute and as long as they obeyed the governance were left alone in the areas of their land.
With the entry of colonial powers, chiefly German and Belgian, this began to change.
Tutsi nobility began to cultivate a lord-vassal relationship with the less wealthy Hutu.
In the mid 19th century redistribution of land became a factor.
A system of patronage known as Uburetwa or Ubuhake, meaning to work for access to land, forced Hutu who were not part of the nobility, the elite, into being serfs.
Mostly Tutsis but also Hutu nobility became feudal masters.
As colonial occupation from German and Belgium elite increased, the territories of Rwanda and Burundi came more under the colonial masters control.
in 1884 the Berlin Conference is held on the division of Africa between Europen Nations.
Western nation decisions had the control of these territories allocated to rule by the German nation in 1886.
1894 the German captain, von Gotzen, is recieved by the Rwandan monarch, King Kigeli IV Rwabugili.
1895 Rwanda becomes part of German East Africa along with Burundi and Tangayika.
1896 Mwami Mibambwe IV Rutalindwa is succeeded by Mwami Musinga Yuhi V in the famous 'coup d'etat' of Rucuncu
The Rwandan Tutsi-Hutu court had been divided over the power these foreign entities brought.
A portion of the royal court, seeing the Germans as an alternative to the dominance and roughness the common people were experiencing from the Buganda or the Belgians with their power and military might, favored this overseeing rule by the German nation.
The Germans when taking control neither encourage modernization nor centralization.
One important aspect of western colonial rule was the white ruling elite liking for the ‘Hamitic Theory,’ a racialist hypothesis created by John Hanning Speke, 1827 – 1864, an officer in the British Indian army who had made three voyages of exploration to Africa.
John Hanning Speke in his writings stated that the taller Tutsi was racially superior to the shorter Bantu Hutu people
Tutsi were more 'European.'
They were not merely more caucasoid in their facial features, Tutsi, were more cultured than the Hutu.
Rwanda map.

Rwanda Genocide what was the cause.

A system of patronage known as uburetwa, meaning to work for access to land, forced Hutu who were not part of the nobility, the elite, into serfs, with mostly Tutsis but also Hutu nobility becoming feudal masters.

ethiopia.limbo13.com
The Tutsi elite also had smoother personalities.
It became natural to exclude the Hutu from any administrative positions and place Tutsi into all power positions.
Except for the wealthy Hutu, the stigma of Bantu as being inferior intensified the ordinary Hutu into being an underclass.
In 1900 Mwami Musinga recieves the first group of European Catholic missionaries, known as the "White Fathers" or "Peres Blancs".
World War I saw some of this marginalization dissipate.  Both Tutsi and Hutu were needed as soldiers.
Small forces of Europeans with armies of Tutsi and Hutu fought for control of the region.
In the greater World War I, Belgians were allied with the British against Germany.
Belgians, assisted by British forces from Uganda, drove the Germans forces from the Burundi, Rwanda territories.
The Treaty of Versailles, 1919 gave colonial ownership of Rwanda to the Belgium elite.
In 1923 Belgium officially wins the League of Nations mandate to administer both Rwanda and Burundi under the name of Rwanda-Urundi.
The Belgians intensified the sadism practiced.
They also intensified the preferential treatment accorded Tutsis.
Following the principals of Leopold II, insisting that the country be profitable to them, the Belgian elite turned large areas of Rwanda into coffee producing areas.
Each peasant farmer, mostly Bantu Hutu, was required to grow coffee on their land.   This would be enforced by a Tutsi official.
Corvée rulership was increased where the colonial elite held authority, upon punishment of death, to compel the poorer Hutu to work for them.
Corvée as stated earlier is a semantic differing from slavery in that the worker is said to be not owned outright.
Corvée was enforced by the whip — eight strokes before work each morning.
Rwanda: obscuring the truth about the genocide
The Rwandan Genocide — mass killings in 1994 of hundreds of thousands of Rwanda's minority Tutsis and the moderates of its Hutu majority — was a national eruption of violence.

Photo: globalresearch.ca
by Barrie Collins
Global Research, August 20, 2008
How human rights lobbyists boosted the RPF
The RPF had violated the negotiations process with another round of death and destruction.
But thanks to coordinated human rights lobbying, the RPF returned to the negotiating table unapologetic about its own conduct and full of moral indignation at the evils of the Rwandan government.
A suspiciously well-timed human rights report was published in 1993, accusing the Rwandan government of gross violations of human rights.
Some of its authors even accused it of genocide.
The government had been responsible for atrocities against civilians in response to the RPF’s initial invasion, and had admitted to them.
It objected to the report’s bias: the investigators had made only a token effort to investigate allegations of atrocities committed by the RPF, spending only a few hours interviewing people in the presence of RPF soldiers.
Thanks in large measure to the impact of this report, the RPF was able to take the moral high ground and use the negotiations as a vehicle for translating its military gains into political gains.
RPF intransigence and military strategy was facilitated in no small measure by the human rights crusade that was launched against the Habyarimana-led coalition government.
But France, too, played a vital role in prodding the Rwandan government to reach a political settlement with the RPF.
According to the French writer Agnes Callamard, it was not just pressure from the US that was applied to get Habyarimana to sign the Arusha Accords in 1993
‘It is doubtful if Habyarimana would have signed the peace accords, which gave heavy concessions to the RPF, without pressure and guarantees from the Elysée through François Mitterand’s personal emissaries, and possibly from representatives of the Military Mission of Cooperation, specifically Général Huchon, Colonel Cussac — the French military attaché and head of the French military Assistance Mission in Rwanda, and his assistant, Lieutenant Colonel Maurin.’ (8)
Having secured a virtual coup in the 1993 negotiations — the RPF had won 50 per cent command of the envisaged unified army and enough seats in the proposed transitional government to block anything that was against its interests — the RPF had emerged as the strongest party.
The problem it now faced was the scheduled elections where its unpopularity would have been exposed.
Local elections in the demilitarised zone that was created in the wake of the February 1993 offensive pointed the way — the RPF was massively defeated at the hands of the former ruling party.
Faced with the prospect of being downsized to a small party by the Rwandan electorate, and with clear support from the US and Belgium, it would appear that the RPF’s interests could only be further advanced with a return to the battlefield.
With the promised departure of French forces from Kigali in December 1993, the military path to the capital was clear.
What was needed by the RPF was a justification for resuming the war.
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Hundreds of thousands of Rwandans migrated to the British protectorate of Uganda, an area they viewed as wealthier and less slave-like.
The Belgians, encouraged by the eugenics movement in Europe and the United States, brought eugenic science to Rwanda, Burundi and the Congo territories.
Measurements of skulls became popular.
Tutsi's skulls were bigger therefore their brain size must be bigger therefore they were more competent as a ruling class because they were naturally more intelligent having bigger brains.
The Tutsi were also taller and had a lighter skin color, purer all around with their supposed Caucasian ancestry.
The Belgian Roman Catholic Church admiring Tutsi leadership and supposed ethnic qualities excluded much of the Bantu Hutu population giving the Tutsi additional benefits that came by being pets of the colonizers.
“Even the church accepted this increased racialization, helping add to it, Catholic and Protestant.
“Such as the church at times only letting Tutsis be priests.”
Though it would be decades later, this favoritism of Tutsi over Hutu would be reflected in the genocide activities that took place in many churches.
In 1931 the Mwami Yuhi Musinga was exiled by the Belgian elite after he refused to be baptized as a Christian.
Forced abdicate his throne, exiled to Kamembe near the Rwanda Congo territories border, the Belgian elite placed his more compliant son Mutara Rudahigwa onto the throne.
In 1935 the Belgian Colonial Administration issues for the first time identification that clearly categorized people as Hutu, Tutsi and Twa on the basis of the number of heads of cattle they owned.
Those with ten or more cows were categorized as Tutsi, while those with less were categorized as Hutu.
Administrative documents systematically detailed each person's 'ethnicity.'
In 1943 King Rudahigwa becomes the first Rwandan Monarch to become Christianized.
Baptized and renamed Charles, the new Tutsi monarch seeks to bring about political changes.
He wanted greater Hutu participation in government.
His idea of achieving this was to appoint those Hutu who were Catholic into administrative and power positions.
A divide grew between the non-Catholic, non-Christian Hutu and the converted — western press refer to these land-owning administration Catholic, Christian workers as the moderate Hutu.
In 1943 the same year King Rudahigwa becomes a Roman Catholic, Belgium initiates a series of administrative reforms that eliminated local chieftains who were mostly Bahutu (Hutu) and replaces them with chiefs directly appointed by the King
These were Batutsi (Tutsi).
In 1946 Rwanda-Urundi became a UN trust territory with Belgium as the administrative authority.
A newer Belgium attitude had emerged after the second world war, with the Belgians in the 1950's encouraging the growth of democratic political institutions, which meant more Hutu in government.
1952 sees King Rudahigwa agreeing to the requirement by the United Nations, set through the Belgium elite colonial administration, to increase the number of Bahutu (Hutu) representatives at all levels of the Rwanda administration.
1954 King Rudahigwa abolishes Uburetwa or Ubuhake the clientele system of servitude that was common in monarchical Rwanda.
This system also had the Tutsi having much of the control of cattle and land, the measure of the wealth and social position.
The Tutsi elite saw these measures as an obvious threat to Tutsi rule.
This freeing of laws and control brought an increasing sense of freedom to the Hutu, encouraged also, strangely enough, by the ethnic identity cards introduced by the Belgians that united the Bantu Hutu into one people.
In 1954 King Rudahigwa demands total independence and an end to Belgian colonial occupation.
1954 the Vatican appoints Mgr. Perraudin, a Swiss, as the head of the Roman Catholic Church in Rwanda.
In 1957 under the ideological patronage of J.P. Harroy and Mgr. Perraudin, Gregoire Kayibanda, a Muhutu catechist publishes the 'Hutu Manifesto'
This demands that political authority be granted to the Bahutu majority.
The Catholic Church also experiencing a more 'liberal' attitude encourages Gregoire Kayibanda and his associates to form political parties.
Major parties are: APROSOMA L'Association pour la Promotion Sociale des Masses and RADER Le Rassemblement Democratique Rwandais.
These parties champion Bahutu (Hutu) interests.
In 1959 at a time of strained relationship between the monarch and the Belgian authorities, King Rudahigwa dies mysteriously in Bujumbura, Burundi.
Most Rwandese people believe there was Belgian elite involvement in his death.
King Rudahigwa is succeeded by his half brother who becomes King Kigeli V Ndahindurwa.
Rwanda: obscuring the truth about the genocide
The Rwandan Genocide — mass killings in 1994 of hundreds of thousands of Rwanda's minority Tutsis and the moderates of its Hutu majority — was a national eruption of violence.

Photo: globalresearch.ca
by Barrie Collins
Global Research, August 20, 2008
The Rwandan war re-erupts
The assassination of President Habyarimana by means of the missile attack upon his plane set off a round of killings of opposition political figures by elements of Habyarimana’s Presidential Guard on one hand, and killings of members of the former ruling party by the RPF on the other.
Massacres of Tutsi civilians by Hutu militia soon followed in Kigali, and then spread across the country. But, contrary to the conventional story, RPF forces were on the march long before any massacres occurred.
Peter Erlinder, the lead defence council for the ICTR, stated categorically in a letter to the Canadian prime minister in 2006 that the final offensive of the RPF was ordered by Kagame within minutes of learning of the successful missile attack, ‘long before any retaliatory, civilian killings had occurred anywhere in Rwanda’ (9).
Three years of mounting fear, insecurity and material deprivation (much of Rwanda was by this time in the grip of famine) came to a head.
Rwanda’s hastily (but constitutionally) appointed government of surviving ministers fled the capital.
The army was pinned down in one losing encounter with the RPF after another.
In these anarchic conditions, Rwanda’s defenceless Tutsi population bore the brunt of murderous hatred generated by an ethnically polarising war.
The RPF won the war and took power in July 1994.
Africa then witnessed the largest mass exodus in its history.
Over two million Rwandans voted with their feet and moved to former Zaïre and Tanzania.
The United States, Britain and Belgium in particular rushed to recognise the new regime in Kigali.
Even greater numbers were still to die.
The new Rwandan regime’s invasion of various refugee camps and its forced repatriation of refugees, the massacre of internally displaced people in Kibeho in April 1995, and two invasions of what became the Democratic Republic of Congo by the ruling RPF — all of this has brought the death toll of civilians to a level that is the highest of any conflict since the Second World War.
The number of ministers leaving the new government and later dying in mysterious circumstances continues to rise.
Accountability on the part of the Rwandan regime for these violations is waived by its sponsors in Washington, London and Brussels.
Whenever challenged on these matters, officials from these capitals will reply that this was the force that liberated Rwanda from genocide, and continued Western backing for it is necessary to ensure that the genocidaires never return to power.
The truth behind the moral parable
But facts are stubborn things.
Bruguière’s charges will not go away.
The matter of the assassination of two heads of state is the Achilles heel of the Rwandan government.
If the RPF’s responsibility for the plane shooting as a planned move towards reigniting the war in Rwanda is proven, what can be said about the diplomatic protection given to the RPF by the US and other Western powers?
How can the leader of the ‘war against terror’ — America — explain its suppression of the facts about the assassination of two heads of state?
What do we make of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda’s brief to foster reconciliation by establishing the truth and ending a culture of impunity?
In The Times last week, Linda Melvern wrote about ‘a large room in the French Embassy in Kigali filled floor to ceiling with shredded documents. This was probably the paper trail that might have revealed the depth of involvement between the Elysée Palace and the Hutu faction responsible for massacring hundreds of thousands of Tutsi and opposition Hutu’ (10).
Holding on to the moral parable of Rwanda and endorsing Kigali’s invective against France may work for now.
But facts — about the start of the war, the actions of the RPF, and the role of Western intervention more broadly in pushing Rwanda to the brink — are stubborn things…
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1959 UNAR the Union Nationale Rwandaise political party is formed by the proponents of immediate independence under the Rwandan monarchy.
The Hutu nationalist party Parmehutu (Parti du Mouvement de l'Émancipation Hutu) come to the front.
But Parmehutu (established under the guidance of the Catholic church by the proponents of delayed independence was openly sectarian and anti-Batutsi (Tutsi)
A Belgian Colonel, G. Logiest, with Belgian Commandos, organizes some Bahutu tp kill thousands of Batutsi and send hundreds of thousands of others into exile, mainly in the Congo territories, Uganda, Burundi and Tanzania.
King Kigeli V on the throne only months is forced into exile.
The new 'democratized' Belgium in Europe brought to Rwanda an electoral process that used secret ballots.
But in 1960 the Belgian Colonial Administration it is believed manipulated communal elections.
On 25 September 1960, through United Nations intervention, a referendum was held on whether Rwanda should become a republic or remain a kingdom.
Parmehutu is said to have won.
Gregoire Kayibanda becomes Prime Minister of the provisional government.
Through secret ballots the abolition of the monarchy is voted upon and wins
Belgium declares the end of the monarchy
1962 Belgium officially grants independence to Rwanda
Gregoire Kayibanda becomes the President and prime minister of the new republic.
With the rulership of the Hutu led government there is increasing exodus of Batutsi (Tutsi) from Rwanda into neighbouring countries.
Killings of Batutsi in Rwanda continue and increase.
Many Tutsi rebelled against this Hutu leadership with the stated deaths of 20,000 Tutsi and migration from the country of more than 200,000 Tutsi.
Hutu power becoming more and more centralized the reverse of what had been took place: Tutsis that remained in Rwanda became excluded from having any political power.
in 1963 some Batutsi (Tutsi) exiles — inyenzi — launch attacks against the Kigali government.
These attacks do not succeed
More massacres of Batutsi take place in Rwanda.
Under President Kayibanda, a system of quotas is established: the Tutsi would be allowed only ten percent of school and university seats.   This ten percent quota applied also to the civil service.   It should be noted that the Tutsi were in nine percent of the population at the time due to migration.
The Rwandan Hutu government became a friend to the elite governing the US when it assisted the CIA in a successful effort to force the left-leaning Patrice Lumumba from power in the Congo.
Murambi Memorial
Skeletons of 50,000 people
In 1965 Gregoire Kayibanda is re-elected President and Juvenal Habyarimana is appointed Minister of Defence.
In 1969 Parmehutu is renamed MDR Mouvement Democratique Republicaine.
In 1969 MDR wins the election though it is contested as not being valid.   Gregoire Kayibanda is re-elected President.
An unsuccessful Hutu revolt in Burundi in 1972 leads to 100,000 deaths, mostly Hutu.
in 1973 Major general Juvenal Habyarimana topples Gregoire Kayibanda in a military coup d'etat.
Killings of Batutsi (Tutsi) continue to take place during this period.
In 1974 a public outcry develops over Tutsi overrepresentation in fields such as medicine and education.
Thousands of Tutsi are forced to resign from these positions, and many go into exile.
Several hundred Tutsi are killed in violent attacks.
in 1975 Major General Juvenal Habyarimana establishes MRND Mouvement Revolutionaire et National pour le Developpment — a now-defunct ruling party of Rwanda from 1975 to 1994
As in the First Republic, political parties are banned in the Second Republic.
Widespread killing of Batutsi take place.
Violence is intensified by a government paid militia, the Interahamwe militant wing of the MRND
In 1978 Major General Juvenal Habyarimana introduces a new constitution entrenching MRND as the sole political party.
In 1979 RANU Rwandese Alliance for National unity, is established by a group of Rwandese exiles in Kenya.
The objective of RANU is Rwanda Tutsi refugees and the struggle against the MRND in Rwanda.
1982 1983 see several thousands of Rwanda refugees and Ugandans of Rwanda origin being expelled from Uganda to Rwanda by Milton Obote.
The MRND government in Rwanda refuses entry for some, detains others in camps within Rwanda.
In 1987 RANU becomes RPF (Rwandese Patriotic Front).
In 1990 RPF begins armed struggle.
In 1991 the N'sele Ceasefire Agreement is signed between RPF and the then Government of Rwanda.
The Coalition for the Defence of the Republic 'Coalition pour la Défense de la République' in French is a more extreme offshoot of the MRND.
From 1990 to 1993 widespread killings of Batutsi (Tutsi) take place in Kibirira, Bigogwe, Bugesera, Kibuye.
In December 1993 RPF sends a contingent of 600 troops to Kigali as part of the Arusha Peace Agreement.
April 1994 Juvenal Habyarimana's plane is hit by a missile.
Mass killings — genocide — begins.
RPF launches its campaign to stop the genocide and in July RPF takes over Kigali, the capital city of Rwanda.
RPF establishes the Government of National Unity together with seven other political parties.
In 1996 and 1997 the new Tutsi controlled government of Rwanda passes the law for the trial and punishment of those responsible for genocide in Rwanda.
The government of Rwanda becomes involved in the first Congo territories war.
The aim is to liberate and repatriate Rwanda Tutsi refugees held hostage by ex-FAR Hutu and the Hutu led Interahamwe.
Rwanda involvement in the DRC Democratic Republic of Congo, leads to President Mobutu's removal and the installation of Laurent Kabila as President of the DRC.
The Government of Rwanda repatriates over 2 million Rwandese refugees Tutsi and Hutu from the DRC and Tanzania.
In 1998 Rwanda becomes again involved in the second DRC war — the DRC Government has been supporting ex-FAR Hutu and the Hutu Interahamwe.
In 1999 local elections take place at cellule and secteur levels.
The Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement to end the second DRC war is signed.
March 2000 Rwanda President Pasteur Bizimungu resigns
April 2000 Major General Paul Kagame is sworn in as the fifth President of Rwanda.
Rwanda: Legacy of genocide
By Photojournalist Jonathan Torgovnik
(Filed: 06/10/2007)
During the genocide that began in 1994, Rwandan women were subjected to widespread and unrelenting sexual violence perpetrated by members of the Hutu militia groups known as the Interahamwe.
Among the survivors, those who are most isolated are the women who have borne children as a result of being raped.
Their families have rejected both them and their offspring.
Joseline Ingabire aged 38 HIV+ HIV Positive with her daughter Leah Batamuliza 12, in Gishari, Rwanda

'That night when the head of the militias came to rape me, he told me I was not the first that he had raped.

He was ruthless, he put a spear in my leg, he pierced my leg and forced me to be apart and he ruthlessly raped me for four hours. I stayed in that place being raped every night for six days'

'Why I love the first daughter more is because I gave birth to her as a result of love.

The father was my husband.

The second girl is a result of an unwanted circumstance (rape).'

Photo: © Jonathan Torgovnik
Joseline Ingabire with her daughter
Leah Batamuliza 12, in Gishari, Rwanda
An estimated 20,000 children were conceived during the genocide in Rwanda, and many of their mothers contracted HIV during the same brutal encounters that left them pregnant.
These women feel they have lost their dignity, are alone and utterly powerless.
Many of them were raped only after being forced to witness the murder of their families.
‘You alone are being allowed to live,’ some were told, ‘so that you will die of sadness.’
They have lived through unimaginable suffering, yet the future of Rwanda is largely in their hands as the population is now 70 per cent female.
The photojournalist Jonathan Torgovnik, who has spent two years tracking down, photographing and interviewing these women and their children, started the charity Foundation Rwanda in response to what he found.
Joseline Ingabire aged 38, HIV+ with her daughter Leah Batamuliza 12, foreground in Gishari, Rwanda
‘When he came to rape me, I was pregnant.
He told me I was not the first that he had raped.
He was ruthless, he put a spear in my leg then raped me for four hours.
I stayed in that place for six days, and they raped me every night until one of them who had been a friend of my husband pretended to be kind, and said he was going to take me to his house.
He asked his wife to let me sleep on the bed because I was pregnant and had gone through difficult things and his wife allowed it, but whenever she was out he raped me.
‘I never loved Leah.
I love my first daughter because I gave birth to her as a result of love.
Her father was my husband.
My love is divided — I love the other girl only now that I am beginning to appreciate that even she is my daughter.
But before, even when she was a baby, I left her crying and put the other one on my back.
When it came to feeding, I fed the older one more than the younger one, until I was here and people in the neighbourhood told me that it was not the proper thing to do, and indeed I could see that.
Slowly I am beginning to appreciate that this other one is innocent.
But even when I get clothes for them, I give priority to the older one.’
‘I had two sisters and three brothers — they all died, I am the only survivor in my family.
My mother and father and five grown children died.’
  Rwanda Aid provides support for the most needy and vulnerable people of Rwanda, especially in the remote and neglected South West district of Cyangugu.
This is a small charity which aims to offer well directed and effective help with detailed, specific feedback and minimal administrative costs
The Charity is run by a Board of Trustees chosen for their different areas of expertise and for their commitment to Rwanda
© Copyright of Telegraph Group Limited 2008
....On January 11, 1994 Lieutenant General Roméo Dallaire (UN Force Commander in Rwanda) notified Military Advisor to the Secretary-General, Major-General Maurice Baril of four major weapons caches and plans by the Hutus for extermination of Tutsis.
The telegram from Dallaire stated that an informant who was top level Interahamwe militia trainer was in charge of demonstrations carried out a few days before.
The goal of the demonstrations was to provoke RPF battalion in Kigali into firing upon demonstrators and Belgian UNAMIR troops to use force.
Under such scenario the Interhamwe would have an excuse to engage the Belgian troops and the RPF battalion.
Several Belgians were to be killed which would guarantee a withdrawal of the Belgian contingent.
According to the informant 1,700 Interhamwe militiamen were trained in Governmental Forces camps and he was ordered to register all the Kigali Tutsis.
Dallaire made immediate plans for UNAMIR troops to seize the arms caches and advised UN Headquarters of his intentions, believing these actions lay within his mission's mandate.
The following day headquarters stated in another cable that the outlined actions went beyond the mandate granted to UNAMIR under the Security Council Resolution 872.
Instead, President Habyarimana was to be informed of possible Arusha Accords violations and the discovered concerns and report back on measures taken.  
A school chalk board in Kigali.

Note the names Dallaire, UNAMIR Force Commander and Marchal, UNAMIR Kigali sector commander.

Photo: wikipedia.org
A school chalk board in Kigali.
Note the names Dallaire, UNAMIR Force Commander and Marchal, UNAMIR Kigali sector commander.
See also: The Triumph of Evil below
Photo: wikipedia.org
The January 11 telegram later played important role in discussion about what information was available to the United Nations prior to the genocide
...Rwandan Prime Minister Jean Kambanda revealed, in his testimony before the International Criminal Tribunal, that the genocide was openly discussed in cabinet meetings and that:
One cabinet minister said she was personally in favor of getting rid of all Tutsi
Without the Tutsi, she told ministers, all of Rwanda's problems would be over.
In addition to Kambanda, the genocide's organizers included Colonel Théoneste Bagosora, a retired army officer, and many top ranking government officials and members of the army, such as General Augustin Bizimungu.
On the local level, the Genocide's planners included Burgomasters, or mayors, and members of the police.
Thursday, 17 June, 2004
Mayor gets 30 years for genocide
Sylvestre Gacumbitsi

Gacumbitsi told Tutsis they would be safe inside the church
Gacumbitsi told Tutsis they would be safe inside the church
A former Rwandan mayor has been sentenced to 30 years in prison for organising the slaughter of 20,000 people during the 1994 genocide.
Sylvestre Gacumbitsi led the massacre of thousands of people sheltering in Nyarubuye Church, which was one of the worst events in the genocide.
He distributed weapons and urged ethnic Hutus to kill and rape their Tutsi neighbours.
Some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed in 100 days in 1994.
'Megaphone'
One girl told the court in the Tanzanian town of Arusha that Gacumbitsi, 57, had personally raped her.
According to the official indictment, the former mayor drove around his district "announcing by megaphone that Tutsi women should be raped and sexually degraded."
NYARUBUYE CHURCH MASSACRE
Rwanda massacre victims
Gacumbitsi, former mayor of Rusamo, told Tutsis they would be safe in Nyarubuye church but then led militias there to kill those inside.
After the genocide, he fled to a refugee camp in Tanzania, where he was found by a BBC television crew.
He denied all knowledge of the killings.
He said he was not in the area when the massacres were committed.
He was arrested in June 2001 in Tanzania and transferred to the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.
Gacumbitsi was found guilty of genocide, extermination and rape.
But he was cleared of conspiracy to commit genocide and murder.
He showed no emotion when the sentence was announced, reports Reuters news agency.
The genocide ended when the then rebel Rwanda Patriotic Front came to power.
Eight years after being set up, the ICTR has convicted 21 people of genocide — six of whom are serving their sentences in Mali.
Twenty suspects are on trial, while another 22 are in detention, waiting for their trials to start.
....On April 6 and April 7, 1994 the staff of the Rwandan Armed Forces (FAR) and Colonel Bagosora clashed verbally with the UNAMIR Force Commander Lieutenant General Dallaire, who stressed the legal authority of the Prime Minister, Agathe Uwilingiyimana, to take control of the situation as outlined in the Arusha Accords.
Bagosora disputed the authority, and Dallaire gave an escort of UNAMIR personnel to Mrs. Uwilingiyimana to protect her and to allow her to send a calming message on the radio the next morning.
But by then, the presidential guard occupied the radio station and Mrs. Uwilingiyimana had to cancel her speech.
In the middle of the day, she was assassinated by the presidential guard.
The ten Belgian UNAMIR soldiers sent to protect her were later found killed; Major Bernard Ntuyahaga was convicted of the murders in 2007.
Other moderate officials who favored the Arusha Accords were quickly assassinated.
Protected by UNAMIR, Faustin Twagiramungu escaped execution.
In his book Shake Hands with the Devil, Dallaire recalled the events from April 7, the first day of the genocide:
I called the Force HQ and got through to [Ghanaian Brigadier General] Henry [Anyidoho].
He had horrifying news.
The UNAMIR-protected VIPs — Lando Ndasingwa [the head of the Parti libéral], Joseph Kavaruganda [president of the constitutional court], and many other moderates had been abducted by the Presidential Guard and had been killed, along with their families...
UNAMIR had been able to rescue Prime Minister Faustin, who was now at the Force HQ.
Remains of bodies at Murambi Technical School.

In the Rwandan genocide it is estimated 800,000 people died in the instigated conflict between the Bantu Hutu and Tutsi.

Though much time has passed since the Genocide in 1994 — that horrific time resonates throughout this country.

But there is also poverty and the burden of HIV/AIDS and the legacy of the Rwanda Genocide.

Photo: wikipedia.org
Remains of bodies at Murambi Technical School.
In the Rwandan genocide it is estimated 800,000 people died in the instigated conflict between the Bantu Hutu and Tutsi.
Photo: wikipedia.org
....Military and Hutu militia groups began rounding up and killing all Tutsis they could capture as well as the political moderates irrespective of their ethnic backgrounds
Large numbers of opposition politicians were murdered.
Many nations evacuated their nationals from Kigali and closed their embassies as violence escalated.
National radio urged people to stay in their homes, and the government-funded station RTLM broadcast vitriolic attacks against Tutsis and Hutu moderates.
Hundreds of roadblocks were set up by the militia around the country.
Lieutenant-General Dallaire and UNAMIR, escorting Tutsis in Kigali, were unable to do anything as Hutus kept escalating the violence and even started targeting, via RTLM, UNAMIR personnel and Lieutenant-General Dallaire himself.
French Milouf soldier, Rwanda.

A French Milouf soldier, one of the international force supporting the relief effort for Rwandan refugees, adjust the concertina wire surrounding the airport.

In the Rwandan genocide it is estimated 800,000 people died in the instigated conflict between the Bantu Hutu and Tutsi.

Though much time has passed since the Genocide in 1994 — that horrific time resonates throughout this country.

But there is also poverty and the burden of HIV/AIDS and the legacy of the Rwanda Genocide.

Photo: wikipedia.org
A French Milouf soldier, one of the international force supporting the relief effort for Rwandan refugees, adjust the concertina wire surrounding the airport.
In the Rwandan genocide it is estimated 800,000 people died in the instigated conflict between the Bantu Hutu and Tutsi.
Photo: wikipedia.org
The killing was quickly implemented throughout most of the country.
The first to organize on the scale that was to characterize the genocide was the mayor of the northwestern town of Gisenyi, who on the evening of April 6th called a meeting to distribute arms and send out militias to kill Tutsis.
Gisenyi was a center of anti-Tutsi sentiment, both as the homeland of the akazu and as the refuge for thousands of people displaced by the rebel occupation of large areas in the north.
While killing occurred in other towns immediately after Habyarimana's assassination, it took several days for them to become organized on the scale of Gisenyi.
The major exception to this pattern was in Butare Province.
In Butare, Jean-Baptiste Habyarimana (no relation to the president), was the only Tutsi prefect and the province was the only one dominated by an opposition party.
Prefect Habyarimana opposed the genocide, resulting in the province becoming a haven of relative calm, until he was arrested and killed on April 19th.
Finding the population of Butare to lack enthusiasm for the killing, the government sent in militia members from Kigali and armed and mobilized the large population of Burundian refugees in the province, who had fled the Tutsi-dominated army fighting in the Burundian Civil War
French Milouf soldier, Rwanda.

A French Milouf soldier, one of the international force supporting the relief effort for Rwandan refugees, adjust the concertina wire surrounding the airport.

In the Rwandan genocide it is estimated 800,000 people died in the instigated conflict between the Bantu Hutu and Tutsi.

Though much time has passed since the Genocide in 1994 — that horrific time resonates throughout this country.

But there is also poverty and the burden of HIV/AIDS and the legacy of the Rwanda Genocide.

Photo: wikipedia.org
A French Milouf soldier, one of the international force supporting the relief effort for Rwandan refugees, adjust the concertina wire surrounding the airport.
In the Rwandan genocide it is estimated 800,000 people died in the instigated conflict between the Bantu Hutu and Tutsi.
Photo: wikipedia.org
Most of the victims were killed in their villages or in towns, often by their neighbors and fellow villagers.
The militia members mostly killed their victims by chopping them up with machetes, although some army units used rifles.
The victims were often hiding in churches and school buildings, where Hutu extremist gangs massacred them.
Ordinary citizens were called on by local officials and government-sponsored radio to kill their neighbours and those who refused to kill were often killed themselves.
"Either you took part in the massacres or you were massacred yourself."
One such massacre occurred at Nyarubuye.
On 12 April 1994, more than 1,500 Tutsis sought refuge in a Catholic church in Kivumu.
Local Interahamwe then used bulldozers to knock down the church building.
People who tried to escape were hacked down with machetes or shot.
Local priest Athanase Seromba was later found guilty of aiding and abetting demolition of the church and convicted of the crime of genocide and crimes against humanity.
In another case, thousands sought refuge in Ecole Technique Officielle school in Kigali where Belgian UNAMIR soldiers were stationed.
However, on 11 April 1994, Belgian soldiers withdrew from the school and members of the Rwandan armed forces and militia killed all the Tutsis who were hiding there.
There is no consensus on the number of dead between April 6 and mid-July.
The RPF government has stated that 1,071,000 were killed, 10% of which were Hutu.
Philip Gourevitch agrees with an estimate of one million, while the United Nations lists the toll as 800,000.
Victims of the Rwandan Genocide.

Exhumed skeletons of victims of 1994 massacre at the Murambi Technical School, Rwanda

In the Rwandan genocide it is estimated 800,000 people died in the instigated conflict between the Bantu Hutu and Tutsi.

Though much time has passed since the Genocide in 1994 — that horrific time resonates throughout this country.

But there is also poverty and the burden of HIV/AIDS and the legacy of the Rwanda Genocide.

Photo: wikipedia.org
Victims of the Rwandan Genocide.
Exhumed skeletons of victims of 1994 massacre at the Murambi Technical School, Rwanda.
Photo: wikipedia.org
Friday, 26 March, 2004
Ex-Rwandan PM reveals genocide planning
By Mark Doyle
BBC World Affairs Correspondent
Kambanda

Kambanda is serving a life sentence for genocide
Kambanda is serving a life sentence for genocide
A British author says a senior official from the Rwandan war crimes tribunal flew to London last week to question her about the secret confessions of a 1994 Rwandan genocide organiser that she obtained for inclusion in a recently-published book.
At least 800,000 people are estimated to have been killed in the genocide at a rate — over just 100 days — that was far faster than the Holocaust of the Jews in World War Two.
According to the author, Linda Melvern, the official expressed amazement at the leak of the confessions to war crimes interrogators of the Rwandan prime minister during the genocide, Jean Kambanda.
Melvern obtained a copy of the transcript from unofficial sources.
She said the war crimes official, prosecution lawyer Barbara Mulveney, asked her how she had obtained the sensitive documents, but the author said she declined to reveal this.
Conspiracy to murder
Kambanda's testimony was recorded as a transcript of 60 hours of interrogations and according to Melvern's account of it, included in her book Conspiracy To Murder — The Rwandan Genocide, it goes into remarkable detail about the way the genocide was organised.
book
The detailed planning is important to record because it took a long time for the outside world to realise how carefully the mass killings were planned. The genocide was often portrayed in the West as a spontaneous, uncontrollable outpouring of ethnic hatred which, as such, could not be stopped.
The UN Security Council pulled most of a small UN peacekeeping force out shortly after the genocide began and key members of the Council — the US, Britain and France, lobbied against reinforcing the UN presence in a way that UN commanders on the ground recommended.
But subsequent investigations, such as Melvern's book, show that in fact the killings were to a large extent planned in advance by a relatively small group of extremist ethnic Hutu politicians from northern Rwanda who obtained support from the outside world.
This reinforces suspicions among many that something could have been done to stop the worst of the killings, and that this group of politicians were susceptible to outside pressure.
Cabinet talks
One of the most revealing episodes from the transcript is where Jean Kambanda reveals that the genocide was openly discussed in cabinet meetings.
This contradicts claims by senior government officials at the time that the killings were a spontaneous expression of 'self defence' against the invading rebel (and Tutsi-dominated) Rwandan Patriotic Front.
Kambanda described, according to Melvern, how one cabinet minister said she was personally in favour of getting rid of all Tutsi; without the Tutsi, she told ministers, all of Rwanda's problems would be over.
The Kambanda testimony also gave an insider's account of the roadblocks where so many Tutsi lost their lives.
Gacaca court, Rwanda

The quest for the truth on the genocide continues in village courts
The quest for the truth continues in village courts
As Prime Minister, he received complaints from some Hutus about the roadblocks; he didn't get complaints from Tutsi for obvious reasons.
Detail
The transcript of the interrogation, as produced in Melvern's book, reads:
Interrogator: "Did any Tutsi complain to you?
Kambanda: "I did not have any"
"You did not have any. Do you have any information about what happened to the people whose ethnic origin was Tutsi?"
"They killed them"
"They killed them?"
"They killed them"
"It was the norm, wasn't it? They looted the Hutu and killed the Tutsi?"
"Yes".
Linda Melvern's book — based on a years of research and numerous previously unpublished documents — also goes into the fine detail of planning for a possible genocide.
After combing through bank archives and government documents she reveals, for instance, that in 1993 the government of Rwanda imported, from China, three quarters of a million dollars worth of machetes.
This was enough for one new machete for every third male.
Machetes were used for many of the murders committed during the genocide.
The details of pre-genocide arms imports from Egypt and France are also given, as is the extent of French military cooperation with the parts of the Rwandan army most responsible for the genocide.
More background
The Hutu political grouping CDR was led by Jean Shyirambere Barahinyura, Jean-Bosco Barayawiza, and Martin Bucyana.
A phrase the CDR used that rallied people to their cause was Mube maso — Watch out!
This meant Hutu must watch out or the Tutsi would rule them as they had in the past.
Unlike the MRNDD, the CDR did not agree to the Arusha Accords and Statement of Ethics.   It was therefore shut out of the Broad-Based Transitional Government.
Several important members of the CDR, including Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and Ferdinand Nahimana, have been convicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda for genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, and other crimes against humanity.
Violence was also intensified by the Impuzamugambi — a Hutu militia formed in 1992 — a militant wing of the CDR.
Impuzamugambi means those who have the same or a single goal in the Kinyarwanda language.
The Interahamwe — Kinyarwanda meaning 'those who stand together' or 'those who work together' or 'those who fight together' or 'those who attack together' — was a larger militia that formed earlier and had more members
The Interahamwe had the backing of the Hutu-led government before, during, and after the Rwandan Genocide.
Western media encouraged by the present Rwanda government usually state that a majority of the killings were perpetrated by the Interahamwe, but reports from observers state that most of the killing was done by the Impuzamugambi.
Following the take over by the Tutsi Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF), many Rwandan civilians and members of the Interahamwe fled to neighbouring countries, Zaire, now the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Tanzania.
During the mass killings — mass genecidal period — in 1993 in Burundi and in 1994 in Rwanda, more than a million Tutsi and their Hutu allies were killed with a subsequent one to two million Hutu fleeing to refugee camps in Congo (Congo-Kinshasa — Zaire) and Tanzania.
Murambi Rwanda January 9, 2002

Skeleton of bodies in massacre at Murambi 1994

Photo: www.boostdam.net
Murambi Rwanda January 9, 2002
Skeleton of bodies in massacre at Murambi 1994
Photo: www.boostdam.net
Rwanda: obscuring the truth about the genocide
The Rwandan Genocide — mass killings in 1994 of hundreds of thousands of Rwanda's minority Tutsis and the moderates of its Hutu majority — was a national eruption of violence.

Photo: globalresearch.ca
by Barrie Collins
Global Research, August 20, 2008
The ‘plane crash’ debate
In fact, the three most influential Western players in Rwanda at this time — the US, France and Belgium — all intervened in ways that created the conditions that made mass slaughter inevitable.
Contrary to the prevailing version of events, after its initial deployment of troops defending Rwandan leaders against the RPF’s October War in 1990, by means of Operation Noroît, France recognised that the US and Uganda were behind the RPF and had no desire to become isolated as the sole defender of the Rwandan government.
So it increasingly made its military support conditional upon the government’s commitment to serious negotiations with the RPF.
According to an informant from the French Ministry of Cooperation, France’s decision to disengage was already evident in 1990: ‘We did not want to remain alone…there were great powers behind the RPF.
Uganda could send 30,000 to 40,000 soldiers.’ (1)
The Kagame government’s latest salvo against France, in the shape of its commission report fingering the French for their support for the genocide, is in fact part of an increasingly desperate search for political legitimacy.
The weakest point of the Rwandan moral parable is the question of what caused the re-eruption of the war in 1994 and the subsequent descent into mass slaughter.
The start of the bloodiest stage of the war is far more complicated than the moral storytellers — who blame it on the then evil government’s determination to secure Hutu domination — would have us believe.
It was an act of international terrorism that triggered the return to war.
In early April 1994, an aeroplane carrying Hutu President Juvénal Habyarimana was blown out of the sky by a missile attack that had been planned for several months.
Apologists for the RPF have tried hard to blame the attack upon hardline Hutu conspirators, but they have produced nothing of substance to back up this claim.
Rather, there is an accumulating amount of evidence that the RPF was responsible for the missile attack — and it is this evidence that has put the current RPF government, led by Kagame, on the back foot.
It is the government’s defensiveness on this issue that lies at the heart of the current France-bashing.
The UN’s own investigator, Michael Hourigan, first came across compelling evidence of the RPF’s responsibility for assassinating President Habyarimana and the other unfortunate occupants of his plane.
However, it appears that under pressure from Washington, the UN agreed to shut down its investigation into the missile attack.
Another UN investigator, Robert Gersony, came across evidence of RPF atrocities and was also silenced; the UN even stated that his report ‘did not exist’.
These inconvenient truths threatened to muddy the clear waters of moral certainty that the Rwandan parable provides.
The Rwandan regime has lived behind the shield of international powers which have worked hard to keep the matter of the plane shooting off the agenda.
For all of its 13 years of operation, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), whose brief is to establish the truth of what happened in 1994, has ruled that the matter of the President Habyarimana’s assassination (which it chooses to refer to simply as a plane ‘crash’) is not within its remit.
When one of the ICTR’s chief prosecutors, Carla Del Ponte, expressed her desire to dust off the investigation into the allegations against the RPF, stating that ‘if it is the RPF that shot down the plane, the history of genocide must be rewritten’ (2), she was abruptly relieved of her position and moved to The Hague.
Del Ponte’s successor at the ICTR, the Gambian Hassan Bubacar Jallow, subsequently confirmed that the shooting down of the aircraft is ‘not a case that falls within our jurisdiction’ (3).
It is ironic that the ICTR’s first chief prosecutor, Richard Goldstone, has expressed his view that the plane attack does fall within the remit of the court and ought to be investigated.
‘It is clearly related to the genocide, by all accounts [it was] the trigger that started the genocide and it would have been very, very important from a justice point of view, from victims’ point of view, to find out.’ (4)
However, the ICTR’s deputy prosecutor, Bernard Muna, felt cavalier enough about the issue to tell the ICTR’s legal adviser, Kingsley Moghalu, that ‘after all, there was a state of war, and Habyarimana could be considered a legitimate target’ (5).
This is an extraordinary statement from such a senior figure.
The missile attack was, among other things, a deliberate violation of Article 1 of the Arusha Accords of 4 August 1993, which stated: ‘The war between the Government of Rwanda and the Rwandan Patriotic Front is over.’
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the secretary-general of the UN at the time of the Rwanda tragedy, is also emphatic about the cover-up of the investigation into the plane shooting: ‘It is a very mysterious scandal.
Four reports have been made on Rwanda: the French Parliament Report, the Belgian Senate Report, Kofi Annan’s UN report, and the Organization of African Unity report.
All four say absolutely nothing about the shooting down of the Rwandan president’s plane.
That just goes to show the power of the intelligence services that can force people to be quiet.’ (6)
Building upon the evidence received by the UN investigator Michael Hourigan, the French judge Jean-Louis Bruguière conducted his own enquiry on behalf of the family of the French pilot who died in the missile attack, along with the presidents of both Rwandan and Burundi and senior government and military figures.
Bruguière’s report is thoroughgoing and detailed.
I have interviewed one of the several RPF dissidents who briefed the judge: Aloys Ruyenzi.
A former member of Kagame’s guard, Ruyenzi states categorically that he was in the room when Kagame gave the order to shoot down the president’s plane, and names all those who were present.
The meeting was between 2pm and 3pm on 31 March 1994 (7).
The Kagame government reacted in its customary fashion to these revelations about the shooting down of the plane: it launched a character assassination of all the Rwandan contributors to Bruguière’s report, and condemned Bruguière for being, well, French.
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UN and US role
The UN and its member states appeared largely detached from the realities on the ground.
In the midst of the crisis, Dallaire was instructed to focus UNAMIR on only evacuating foreign nationals from Rwanda, and the change in orders led Belgian peacekeepers to abandon a technical school filled with 2,000 refugees, while Hutu militants waited outside, drinking beer and chanting 'Hutu Power.'
After the Belgians left, the militants entered the school and massacred those inside, including hundreds of children.
Four days later, the Security Council voted to reduce UNAMIR to 260 men.
Following the withdrawal of the Belgian forces, Lt-Gen Dallaire consolidated his contingent of Canadian, Ghanaian and Dutch soldiers in urban areas and focused on providing areas of "safe control".
His actions are credited with directly saving the lives of 20,000 Tutsis.
The administrative head of UNAMIR, former Cameroonian foreign minister Jacques-Roger Booh-Booh, has been criticized for downplaying the significance of Dallaire's reports and for holding close ties to the Hutu militant elite.
The new Rwandan government, led by interim President Théodore Sindikubwabo, worked hard to minimize international criticism.
Rwanda at that time had a seat on the Security Council and its ambassador argued that the claims of genocide were exaggerated and that the government was doing all that it could to stop it.
Representatives of the Rwandan Roman Catholic Church, long associated with the radical Hutus in Rwanda, also used their links in Europe to reduce criticism.
France, which felt the US and UK would use the massacres to try to expand their influence in that Francophone part of Africa, also worked to prevent a foreign intervention
Finally, on May 17, 1994, the UN conceded that "acts of genocide may have been committed."
By that time, the Red Cross estimated that 500,000 Rwandans had been killed.
The UN agreed to send 5,500 troops to Rwanda, most of whom were to be provided by African countries.
This was the original number of troops requested by General Dallaire before the killing escalated.
The UN also requested 50 armoured personnel carriers from the U.S., but for the transport alone they were charged 6.5 million U.S. dollars by the U.S. army.
Deployment of these forces was delayed due to arguments over their cost and other factors.
On June 22, with no sign of UN deployment taking place, the Security Council authorized French forces to land in Goma, Zaire on a humanitarian mission.
They deployed throughout southwest Rwanda in an area they called "Zone Turquoise," quelling the genocide and stopping the fighting there, but often arriving in areas only after the Tutsi had been forced out or killed.
Operation Turquoise is charged with aiding the Hutu army against the RPF.
The former Rwandan ambassador to France Jacques Bihozagara has testified, "Operation Turquoise was aimed only at protecting genocide perpetrators, because the genocide continued even within the Turquoise zone."
France has always denied any role in the killing.
....Since the inception of the genocide, the U.S. government clearly knew what was about to unfold.
In fact, the State department of the U.S. was aware of the spreading of anti-Tutsi propaganda by radio, through which Hutu militias were coordinating and organizing massacres.
They were aware of what was occurring in Rwanda however, they failed to recognize the gravity of the situation.
In fact U.S. officials called it an ‘inevitable, unstoppable ethnic conflict,’ that was a result of "ancient tribal hatreds" and that it was in a way "typical" of the region.
It was this intuition and mindset that led them to dismiss the possibility of intervention.
The U.S government was accustomed to using its troops as a form of controlling foreign situations and for Rwanda the U.S. relied on this notion.
They felt that intervention would mean sending troops to the chaotic lands of Rwanda.
However, there was a lot that could have been done.
Being a leading world power, with more than enough resources, they could have easily sought ways to improve the situation or at least support other nations into doing so.
The U.S could have effectively jammed the signal of the ‘murder-inciting’ radio station of the Hutu’s, which would have done enough alone.
They also could have shared intelligence information with UN peacekeeping forces in Rwanda, or even encouraged other nations to send more troops to strengthen the peacekeeping force.
Even these small steps could have helped diminish slaughter.
The United States however, was so desperately trying to avoid ground deployment that they failed to seek these options.
The U.S. did not only fail to approach other solutions but they also seemed to act against these approaches
Some time after U.N peacekeepers arrived in Rwanda, the U.S. led a successful effort to remove them.
They simply felt there was little that could be done there and leaving troops there would be useless.
This U.S. position led the U.K. to conclude that, since U.S. approval in the Security Council was necessary for such an intervention force, there was no possibility that it would be approved.
As a result, the alleged ‘endangered’ and ‘undersupplied’ UNAMIR troops were withdrawn.
Most people argue that the U.S. did not encourage a UN response because it saw two potential outcomes: ‘the authorization of a new UN force and a new mandate without the means to implement either; and worse, the very real possibility of the U.S. having to bail out a failed UN mission.’
The U.S. simply did not want to deal with any future grievances from their own part.
Even despite a Ghanaian offer to keep its troops in Rwanda, along with offers from several other African states to reinforce the UNAMIR, the U.S. was unwilling to make a necessary financial commitment to support an expanded operation.
The U.S., including other military powers, was unwilling to risk the lives of its own citizens.
As thousands of Rwandans were being butchered each day, U.S. officials continued to deny the term "genocide."
If one views this from a different perspective it might be said the US deliberately did nothing and encouraged and assisted the doing of nothing by the United Nations.
Why?
Well....
Don Cheadle in the movie Hotel Rwanda gives a powerhouse performance as hotel manager Paul Rusesabagina, who sheltered hundreds during Rwanda's genocide.

Photo: washingtonpost.com
Don Cheadle in Hotel Rwanda performs as hotel manager Paul Rusesabagina
who sheltered hundreds during Rwanda's genocide.
"The Triumph of Evil"
In 1993, Rwanda, one of Africa's smallest countries with just seven million citizens, was a deeply troubled country with a deeply troubled past.
Decades earlier, under colonial rule, the Belgians had used the Tutsis, Rwanda's aristocracy, to enforce their rule over the Hutu majority, who were mostly poor farmers.
The Belgians created an idea whereby the Tutsi were a master race, the Hutu an inferior race.
And ethnic identity cards were issued.
Much like in South Africa, an apartheid-like system was imposed.
All privileges went to the Tutsi minority, and the Hutu majority was almost in bondage.
At independence in the late '50s and early '60s, this system was reversed.
The majority Hutu rebelled, seized power, in the name of majority rule imposed an apartheid-like system in reverse and oppressed the Tutsi bitterly.
Faced with discrimination and increasing Hutu violence, most Tutsis fled to neighboring countries, where they formed a guerrilla army, the Rwandan Patriotic Front.
In 1990, the rebel Tutsis invaded Rwanda and forced peace talks with Juvenal Habyarimana, the Hutu president.
Anxious to stay in power himself, Habyarimana signed a peace treaty agreeing to share power with the Tutsis.
To the Hutu extremists who formed the entourage around the Hutu dictatorship, President Habyarimana, it was the threat of peace that was even greater than the threat of war because it amounted to a defeat.
It meant that they couldn't have a total victory.
They faced suddenly the threat of sharing power, which was the one thing on earth that they couldn't stand sharing.
Late in 1993, the United Nations dispatched its Assistance Mission for Rwanda — or UNAMIR — to help keep the fragile new peace between the Hutu government and the Tutsi rebels.
The U.N. force was small, about 2,500 soldiers from several countries, including Belgium and Ghana.
In the beginning they had believed this would be a routine peacekeeping mission.
...But the U.N. troops would have to contend with Hutu extremists and their militias — the Interhamwe — literally "those who attack together."
They claimed their mission was simply to defend Rwanda from the Tutsi guerrillas.
But in January, 1994, the man training them came forward with a very different story.
Col. LUC MARCHAL, UNAMIR: "Yes, he was a real political leader for the militia, and he wants to give us, I mean to UNAMIR, some information.  I met him in my own headquarters.  It was at night.  There was no electricity."
In that secret meeting, the Hutu informant revealed that the militia's real mission was the extermination of the Tutsis.
So the directive was very simple.  Just kill a maximum of people.  "People" meaning civilians?
Later that night, the UNAMIR commanders sent an urgent message to the peacekeeping mission at the United Nations in New York.  Their coded cable explained the Hutu informant's warning in horrifying detail.
CABLE: "He has been ordered to register all Tutsi in Kigali.  He suspects it's for their extermination.  Example he gave was that in 20 minutes his personnel could kill up to 1,000 Tutsis."
April 6, 1994: The plane carrying President Habyarimana of Rwanda was flying back to Kigali with the President of Burundi after more peace talks with the Tutsis.  The plane was shot down as it was coming in for a landing in the capital of Rwanda.  The President's plane was shot down by missiles.  Nobody knows who fired them.
In the power vacuum that followed, the Hutu extremists seized their chance.
The plan the informant had warned about three months earlier now began to unfold.
The militias set up roadblocks and began to look for Tutsis — men, women and children.
Brig. HENRY ANYIDOHO, Deputy Commander, UNAMIR: "I couldn't believe it.  You met men and women together at the roadblocks holding the cutlasses, or machetes as, they call them, and all of them sort of, like— they were singing war songs.  And what were they looking for?  Human beings to hack to death."
National radio acted as a cheerleader for the slaughter.  The Tutsis, it said, must become nothing but a memory.
Following the president's death, it became almost "genocide central."
It was through there that people were instructed at times, "Go out there and kill.  You must do your work.  People are needed over in this commune."
Sometimes they actually had disc jockeys who would direct — they would say, "So-and-So has just fled.  He is said to be moving down such-and-such a street."
And they would literally hunt an individual who was targeted, in the streets, and people would listen to this on the radio. 
Within 24 hours the U.N.'s camps had begun to shelter terrified civilians.
Some fled to a school called Don Bosco, where the largest Belgian contingent was digging in.
They were ordinary families running from their neighbors.
The commanding officer, Captain Lemaire, had no doubts about the danger they were facing.
Capt. LUC LEMAIRE, UNAMIR: "From the first hours, I knew there was a risk.  We've heard a lot of explosion in the direct neighborhoods and we realized immediately that they were murdering people all around Don Bosco."
Everyone who fled to the school had a tale of horror.
FLORIDA NGULINZIRA: [through interpreter] "We even saw children, very small children, 3-year-olds, 4-year-olds arriving at the school saying, 'Mummy and Daddy have been killed.  They've been killed with machetes.'"
Some killers even infiltrated the camp, but were captured by the Belgians.
Outside Don Bosco, the U.N. troops could only watch as cavalcades of killers armed with machetes, guns and grenades cruised by triumphantly.
They used to massacre people in one part of the commune, and afterwards they went away to find other people to massacre.
But UNAMIR wasn't just protecting civilians from the killers, it was also guarding the moderate politicians who stood in their way.  In secret cables, UNAMIR intelligence officers had warned the moderates, too, were in danger.  This memo detailed a murder plot against a leading politician called Lando.
But when the killers came for Lando, his outnumbered U.N. guards stood aside.  Trapped in his house with his family, he made a series of increasingly desperate phone calls.
NAUSICAA HABIMANA, Lando's Niece: [through interpreter] "He told my mother that this was the end, that he was going to die, and he said good-bye.  And when my mother put the phone down, she told us that Lando was going to die.  That was all she said."
Lando and his Canadian wife made one last call to U.N. headquarters, pleading with the local commander to send more troops. 
The bodies of Lando, his wife and four other members of their family were found in the ruins of their house.
In the first few days, at least another 18 moderate leaders were murdered.
Lando's Ghanaian body guards disappeared for a day, but finally turned up unharmed.
Ten Belgian soldiers were tricked into giving up their weapons only to be attacked by an angry mob.
The soldiers were tortured and horribly mutilated before they were killed.
In Belgium, the shocked government was planning to pull all its troops out of Rwanda.
In a secret attempt to save face, its foreign ministry lobbied countries on the Security Council, asking them to vote to withdraw the whole U.N. force.
KAREL KOVANDA, Czech U.N. Ambassador, 1994: They were — well, my sense is that they were phoning the ranking officer of every foreign service— of every foreign ministry of the 15 countries.
MICHAEL BARNETT, U.S. Mission to the U.N., 1994: The general attitude was that "We now have to close down the operation."
At the school of Don Bosco, the peacekeepers were still saving lives.
A thousand refugees had now taken shelter here.
The niece of the murdered politician, Lando, had been sent by her parents, who believed here, surely, there were enough U.N. soldiers to protect her.
But in New York, once more a crucial warning went unheeded.
Rather than telling the security council the violence was ethnic cleansing, the secretariat described it as a breakdown in the ceasefire, much easier to dismiss as an internal matter for Rwanda.
By the 11th of April, 1994, four days after the genocide began, the Red Cross was estimating that tens of thousands had already been killed in Rwanda.
At Don Bosco the killers continued to flaunt themselves in front of their prey.
By April 11th, 2,000 civilians had taken refuge in the school.
But with the Belgian campaign to get UNAMIR out of Rwanda close to success, everyone realized the troops might leave, and the refugees now made a remarkable request of Captain Lemaire.
Capt. LUC LEMAIRE: "They were afraid to be murdered by the machetes.  When they heard we could leave in the following days they say, 'Please don't do that.  If you have to leave, please, we ask you to be shot down by your machine gun.'
They would rather be shot down by our machine gun than being murdered by machetes."
That afternoon the Belgian soldiers left Don Bosco.
Their commanders had ordered them to withdraw to the airport.
When the refugees realized they were being abandoned, they began to crowd around the last of the departing U.N. vehicles.
FLORIDA NGULINZIRA: [through interpreter] "All of the refugees were running in front of the trucks in order to stop them leaving.  And I remember hanging on to a UNAMIR truck and asking the soldier, 'Are you really abandoning us?  We'll all be killed.  Why are you leaving?'"
Lt. JEAN-NOEL LECOMTE, UNAMIR: "I was obliged to fire in the air to open the path to the last vehicles because there were all these people around there, all over the vehicle."
NAUSICAA HABIMANA: [through interpreter] "After we heard those shots in the air, we were frightened because it was as if it were a signal to show the Interhamwe that they had gone, so that they could come in and kill everyone."
As the Belgian soldiers drove away, the killers moved in.
The fate of the refugees would not be known for several days.
In the first days of the killing, France, Belgium and Italy all sent troops to Rwanda, but they were under national rather than U.N. command.
They'd been sent not to stop the killing, but to rescue their own citizens, like the white staff at Kigali's psychiatric hospital.
But the hospital had become a makeshift refuge where Tutsis were hiding from the killers in the surrounding fields.
KATELIJNE HERMANS, Belgian Television: "At a certain moment, they were shouting.  We heard people crying.  And I still remember now.  I turned my head, and I saw tens, hundreds of people coming.  They came just to ask for help.  And then when they came nearer, they put themselves on their knees.  They put their hands in the air.  They knew there was shooting around.  They told us, 'There are military guys here around, and yet they are against us.  They are there to kill us.  So please take us away.  Take us with you.'
One woman started to speak and started to explain why they were afraid and what was happening to them.  And she started begging us to take her and the others with us.  She was speaking to me, a woman to a woman, saying, 'I am afraid there are- those men, I am afraid that they will rape me.'
It was very hard to say 'I cannot help you.'  I was not talking to hundreds of people, I was talking to one woman, and that's very hard to say.  But it's like that.  I couldn't do anything.  But they were as afraid as the white people over there.  And they just said, 'We will be killed.  Please take us with you.  Bring us to another place, but don't leave us here.'
Sunday, 4 April, 2004
Massacre at Nyarubuye church
Fergal Keane
By Fergal Keane
BBC Rwanda
Nyarubuye church

Nyarubuye church was the scene of a notorious massacre.
Nyarubuye church was the scene of a notorious massacre
The killers came on a spring afternoon, as many as 7,000 men crowding down the narrow lane towards Nyarubuye church.
Nine days earlier the plane carrying Rwanda's Hutu President, Juvenal Habyirimana, had been shot down flying into the capital Kigali.
Within hours the slaughter of members of the Tutsi minority as well as moderate Hutus had begun.
Among the killers marching to the church were Gitera Rwamuhuzi and his friend Silas Ngendahimana.
The Tutsis, including Flora Mukampore, had fled to the church believing they would be safe.
The local Mayor, Sylvestre Gacumbitsi, gave orders to the police to shoot, and then the peasants moved in to kill — hacking, slashing and bludgeoning their neighbours to death. Between five and ten thousand Tutsis were killed.
Rotting bodies
When I reached the scene weeks later the rotting bodies lay twisted terribly, skulls smashed open, faces frozen in the last terrible expression of violent death. How could men do this, I asked myself.
It is a question that has haunted me for a decade. Ten years after the slaughter I met some of the killers. Most are in jail but will soon be released under the government's Gacaca programme after confessing their crimes and apologising.
NYARUBUYE CHURCH MASSACRE
Rwanda massacre victims
Gitera Rwamuhuzi is the most confident of his group and the natural leader. He smiled and shook my hand warmly.
He is an intelligent, complex man — and a ruthless killer. Before the genocide he was a local criminal gang enforcer and is said to have killed as many as 100 people, with his gang responsible for 300 deaths.
He has confessed only to three murders. "Whoever is telling you that story is exaggerating to try to make my name look bad," he says.
Gitera describes lying on the ground at Nyarubuye while the soldiers opened fire. He saw a Tutsi man trying to escape from the church and ran over and struck him on the head, killing him.
He blames Satan, a common theme among the prisoners. Responsibility is passed out of their hands to some supernatural force. There are no guilty men, only victims of dark forces.
But he also believed he was going to be killed by the Tutsis. "We thought that if they had managed to kill the head of state how were we ordinary people going to survive?" he says.
Gitera describes killing his next door neighbours.
"They looked traumatised. They were people who had lost weight because they had not eaten for days. After killing the mother the toddler fell by her side," he says, crying.
They helped me to sit up and I noticed the maggots falling off me
Flora
Cyasa Habimana refuses to be photographed with the others, believing he is a man of greater substance. He also reads from his diaries, believing they justify him.
The Interahamwe militia group leader says he was a tool of more powerful men. He is cunning but with no imagination, an ex-army sergeant with a reputation as a hard man and a good organiser. He was persuaded to train the Interahamwe by an army colonel.
Cyasa does not blame the devil. He says the colonel gave him a new set of tyres for his truck and threatened to kill him if he did not comply.
He says he was not at Nyarubuye but was involved in attacks elsewhere in the area in which thousands of Tutsis died.
To the survivors, Cyasa was a monster, devoid of pity. He is now under sentence of death.
Silas Ngendahimana
You have to understand mercy wasn't part of the deal. The government had given them up to us to be killed
Silas Ngendahimana
Silas Ngendahimana was tending his crops of sorghum when he heard that the president's plane had been shot down.
At Nyarubuye church Silas carried a large impiri, a club studded with nails which he used to beat a Tutsi woman to death.
"You have to understand mercy wasn't part of the deal.   The government had given them up to us to be killed," he says.
He points to his prison issue pink shirt, saying: "There was a water tap that was running and mixing with the blood.   The ground was pink like this shirt."
Evariste Maherane is a free man.   After six years awaiting trial, he confessed and apologised at a Gacaca hearing.   He sits at home near Nyarubuye with his wife, children and grandson.
Buried alive
He remembers killing a 10-year-old Tutsi boy who had escaped from the church.
Evariste held the wounded boy, dressed in his school issue khaki shorts and shirt, by the neck and battered him with a club.   Then they dug a hole and pushed the child in, still alive.
I don't know why this happened to me.   I was a good person.   It wasn't my fault I was born a Tutsi
Marie was raped 100 times and is now dying of AIDS
Evariste had a 10-year-old son of his own at the time, and is haunted by the memory of the Tutsi child's arms and legs flailing in the smothering earth.   "It was a time of hatred.   Our heads were hot.   We were animals", he says.
When we last met during the genocide, Flora had a serious head wound and I thought she had suffered brain damage.   A decade later she is still suffering, but is lucid in her descriptions and has forgotten nothing.
She was at Nyarubuye church.   The killers, including Gitera, hacked towards her with machetes, axes and hoes.   I remember Gitera telling me: "It was as if we were competing over the killing."
Flora was knocked to the ground by bodies falling on top of her and the Interahamwe assumed she was dead.   Later, one of the killers spotted her moving and smashed her head with a hammer.
But she survived among the rotting corpses for over a month before being found.   "They helped me to sit up and I noticed the maggots falling off me," she recalls.
Flora lost 17 members of her family in the genocide and is furious that Gitera and others are being offered freedom.
"We have been patient, we have been strong — but a killer like that?   I don't believe in the death penalty, but surely he should have been locked up for good," she says.
Rape victims
Another girl, who Panorama is not naming, was 20 at the time of massacre.   She was hiding when Mayor Gacumbitsi drove past.
"He was a friend of my father", she says: "When I saw him I thought that no harm can come to me."
But Gacumbitsi was angry.   He raped her and told the six policemen to do the same.   "We are going to rape you to death," she remembers him saying.
She is only alive because a Hutu man, Gacumbitsi's deputy Matthew Fashingabo, and his wife gave her shelter and smuggled her out of the country.
Why had he acted with such bravery? "Because I know that we are all human beings," he says.
Marie was captured near Nyarubuye by Hutus who took her as a sex slave and raped her more than 100 times.
Marie contracted Aids from her rapists and afterwards discovered that she was pregnant.   That baby died of Aids and Marie is now in the final stages of the disease.
She says: "I don't know why this happened to me.   I was a good person.   It wasn't my fault.   I was born a Tutsi."
"The Triumph of Evil"
So we left.  For the white people it's over, but we knew the hundreds that stayed, and we heard the shooting the moment we left.  So it was clear for me that hell starts for them.
Back at the airport, French soldiers were escorting their citizens to safety, along with French diplomats and the embassy dog.
They did not evacuate the embassy's Tutsi staff, who, were later murdered.
The Americans, too, were airlifted out
The new Western troops were only on the ground for a few days.  UNAMIR commanders say that if their governments had ordered them to stay, the massacres could have been stopped.
Brig. HENRY ANYIDOHO: "There was a moment.  We just missed it.  It was a fleeting opportunity, and we just missed it."
Why was it missed?
Brig. HENRY ANYIDOHO: "Because there was no political will?"
KATELIJNE HERMANS: "The only mandate was "Evacuate white people."  It could have been another mandate."
At the psychiatric hospital, the killers had moved in after the Belgian soldiers left.  Almost all of these people were murdered.
Belgium mourned its dead soldiers.  Confident other countries would soon follow its lead, the government now took the fateful decision to withdraw its troops from Rwanda.  The officer who'd first reported the informant's warning of genocide three months earlier was told to lead the retreat.
Col. LUC MARCHAL: "I was ashamed to execute that kind of decision.  You don't react as a military, but you react just as a normal human being.  And when you know that kind of action will just have a consequence, the losses of thousands and thousands of lives, it's not easy to — to live with that."
By April 21, two weeks after the killing began, the Red Cross estimate was that tens, perhaps hundreds of thousands were now dead.
In N.Y., with the scale of the killing becoming public, the U.N. Security Council arrived to decide the future of its mission in Rwanda.
It was an historic chance to fulfill its promise "Never again."
By a bizarre coincidence, one of the rotating delegations whose turn it was to sit on the council and decide UNAMIR's future represented the killers.
MICHAEL BARNETT, U.S. MISSION TO THE U.N., 1994: "Nobody said, 'Stop it.'  Nobody said, 'Your presence here disgusts me.'  Nobody said, 'Why don't you just get out of the room?'  There was never a real moment in which they dressed him down because if you did, you would be breaking the rules of the club.
The Security Council voted unanimously to withdraw most of its troops from Rwanda.
They decided to leave a token force of just over 200 men, who had no chance of stopping the massacre.
MICHAEL BARNETT: "People in the Security Council should have been ashamed.  There should have been remorse.  There should have been contrition.  There should have been some degree of, you know, internal contestation.  But there was none of that.  And I began to sort of really wonder what was it about myself, what was it about the process that could allow lots of really smart, good, responsible people to come to such decisions."
Two days after the Security Council's vote came the news of what had happened to the Tutsis the U.N. troops had already abandoned at Don Bosco.
The tiny force left behind in Rwanda spent much of its time pinned down by the crossfire between the Hutus and the encroaching Tutsi rebels.  The Tutsis had invaded after the genocide began.
Now that it was clear the world was giving the killers a free hand, they went to work across the whole country, from big towns to tiny hilltop villages.
In Nyarubuye, several hundred Tutsis had fled to the Catholic church.
But in Rwanda there were no more sanctuaries.
VALENTINA IRIBAGIZA: [through interpreter] "We were pretending to be dead.  They took stones and smashed the heads of the bodies.  They took little children and smashed their heads together.  When they found someone breathing, they pulled them out and finished them off.  They killed my family.  I saw them kill my papa and my brother, but I didn't see what happened to my mother."    [www.pbs.org:  Read more about Nyarubuye]
But when the Security Council met privately to discuss Rwanda in this small consultation room, it was made clear that calling the killing genocide was just not in the interests of the U.N.
MICHAEL BARNETT: "By mid to late April, people in the Security Council knew it was genocide, but refused to call it as such because, ultimately, one understood that if you used the term "genocide," then you might be forced to act.
And when someone suggested that maybe they should call a genocide a genocide, they were quietly reminded that perhaps they should not use such language."
JAMES WOODS, Deputy Asst. Secretary of Defense, 1986-94: People didn't want to really grasp and admit that they knew and understood what was happening because they didn't want to bear the consequences then of dealing with it.  They did not want an intervention.
MICHAEL BARNETT, U.S. Mission to the U.N., 1994: What really haunts me was that I and others could have been so cavalier, so complacent.
INTERVIEWER: Do you believe that you were a bystander to genocide?
MICHAEL BARNETT: Yeah.  We all were.
JAMES WOODS, "Deputy Asst. Secretary of Defense, 1986-94: In the Spring of '93, when the Clinton administration came in, we were asked to develop lists of what we thought would be serious crises this administration might face and forward that to the new secretary of defense, Mr. Aspin.  I put Rwanda-Burundi on the list.
I won't go into personalities, but I received guidance from higher authorities, 'Look, if something happens in Rwanda-Burundi, we don't care.  Take it off the list.  It's not — U.S. national interest is not involved and,' you know, 'we can't put all these silly humanitarian issues on lists like important problems like the Middle East and North Korea and so on.' 
KAREL KOVANDA: "I know that I personally had an important conversation with one of my superiors in Prague who at American behest suggested that they lay off."
INTERVIEWER: "Lay off calling it genocide?"
KAREL KOVANDA: "Yeah.  Lay off pushing Rwanda, in general, and calling it genocide specifically."
INTERVIEWER: "So the Americans had actually talked to your government back in Prague and said, 'Don't let's call it genocide.'"
KAREL KOVANDA: "In Prague or in Washington, but they were talking to my superiors, yes."
CHRISTINE SHELLY, State Department Spokeswoman: "Well, as I think you know, the use of the term "genocide" has a very precise legal meaning, although it's not strictly a legal determination.  There are other factors in there, as well.  When — in looking at a situation to make a determination about that, before we begin to use that term, we have to know as much as possible about the facts of the situation and —"
ALAN ELSNER, Reuters: "The answers they were giving were really non-answers.  They would talk in incredibly bureaucratic language.  In a sense, it was almost like a caricature.  If you look at it now, it looks utterly ridiculous.  These were all kind of artful ways of doing nothing, which is what they were determined to do."
By May the White House was organizing confidential daily conferences on Rwanda with officials across Washington by secure video link.  In this secret world, one reason for not calling the killing genocide became disturbingly clear.
TONY MARLEY, State Department Military Adviser, 1992-95: "One official even asked a question as to what possible outcome there might be on the congressional elections later that year were the administration to acknowledge that this was genocide taking place in Rwanda and be seen to do nothing about it.  The concern obviously was whether it would result in a loss of votes for the party in the November elections."
The objective reality of what was happening in Rwanda couldn't be kept quiet forever.  Rwanda's dead had begun to float downstream into the outside world.  The country was literally overflowing with corpses.
In his inter-agency meetings, Tony Marley argued "Let's at least send a few thousand dollars worth of rubber rafts and boat hooks to fish the bodies out of the water."
TONY MARLEY: "If we weren't going to stop the killing inside Rwanda, we could at least minimize the disease risk to those citizens of the neighboring countries that were now endangered potentially by disease, that had no involvement in the Rwandan conflict one way or the other."
INTERVIEWER: "How did the military react to your idea?"
TONY MARLEY: "It was not acted upon.  Again, there was great reluctance on the part of many defense officials to have any U.S. involvement."
RADIO BROADCAST: "All Tutsis will perish.  They will disappear from the earth."
Marley also proposed the Pentagon begin jamming the Rwandan state radio that was promoting the killing.
INTERVIEWER: "How did that go down?"
TONY MARLEY: "It was not favorably reacted upon.  In fact, one lawyer from the Pentagon made the argument that that would be contrary to the US constitutional protection of freedom of the press, freedom of speech."
By mid-May, an estimated 500,000 had been murdered in Rwanda.  It seemed there would be no end to the killing, nor to the endless Security Council debates in New York.
INTERVIEWER: Did you feel that lives were at stake in that room?
KAREL KOVANDA, Czech U.N. Ambassador, 1994: "Oh, heaven — heaven knows, yes.  Yes!   There were lives at stake!   Lives which were just like sand disappearing through our hands day after day.  You've got 10,000 today, 12,00 tomorrow, and if you don't do something today, then tomorrow there will be more.  If you don't do something this week, then next week there will be more with, no end in sight at the time.  No end in sight."
But it still wasn't too late.
Hundreds of thousands of Tutsis had somehow survived.
Eight thousand had taken refuge at the Catholic seminary of Kabgui.
But such havens were becoming little more than concentration camps.
The victims made desperate pleas to an indifferent world.
REFUGEE: ["BBC Newsnight," May 16th, 1994] [through interpreter] "They're attacking us.  It's unbelievable.  They come in here and take the old and the young out of the camp and kill them using knives and machetes.  It defies imagination, and there's nothing we can do."
INTERVIEWER: "When the Security Council voted for a stronger UNAMIR, what did you think was actually going to happen?"
MICHAEL BARNETT, U.S. Mission to the U.N., 1994: "Nothing was going to happen.  Nothing was.  And that's what happened."
INTERVIEWER: "Because?"
MICHAEL BARNETT: "Because fundamentally, member states weren't going to provide the resources to carry out that plan."
If a new UNAMIR mission were to save lives, it would need more armored personnel carriers, or APCs.  The U.N. had only five in Rwanda, not nearly enough to get troops around the country safely.
The White House promised to lease UNAMIR 50 more, but the U.S. military, which had the job of delivering them, was still afraid of being dragged into a conflict it could not control and seemed to seize any opportunity for delay.
JAMES WOODS, Deputy Asst, Secretary of Defense, 1986-94: "It became almost a joke as to the length of time and the, you know, ever-emerging details of things that had to be decided in order to get the bloody APCs on their way."
"And they got all bogged down into issues of the exact terms of a lease, what color, who would paint them where, what color, what kind of stenciling would go on and all of the other little details."
INTERVIEWER: "I mean were people aware that while this was going on, people were dying?"
JAMES WOODS: "Oh, sure.  Of course."
INTERVIEWER: "And?"
JAMES WOODS: "And — well, where were the Belgians?  I don't see the British Gurkha battalions, either.  Where was everybody?  Everybody was hiding."
The Americans finally delivered the APCs, but only to neighboring Uganda, where they stayed until the killing was over.  Meanwhile, the Clinton administration was still playing word games.
CHRISTINE SHELLY, State Department Spokeswoman: [June 10, 1994] "We have every reason to believe that acts of genocide have occurred."
REPORTER: "How many acts of genocide does it take to make genocide?"
CHRISTINE SHELLY: "That's just not a question that I'm in a position to answer."
REPORTER: "Is it true that you have specific guidance not to use the word "genocide" in isolation, but always preface it with these words "acts of"?"
CHRISTINE SHELLY: "I have guidance which — which — to which I — which I try to use as best as I can.  I'm not — I have — there are formulations that we are using that we are trying to be consistent in our use of.  I don't have an absolute categorical prescription against something, but I have the definitions.  I have a phraseology which has been carefully examined and arrived at to —"
In mid-July, the Tutsi-led guerrillas finally won the war.  The killers were defeated.  The Hutu genocide was over.  With their hoes and machetes, the extremists had killed three times faster than the Nazis.  An estimated 800,000 people had been murdered in 100 days.
Four years later, President Clinton made his pilgrimage of contrition to Rwanda.
MICHAEL BARNETT: "It was meaningless.  It was hollow.  It was unclear to me what he was apologizing for and for whom he was apologizing."
"He didn't say 'I take personal responsibility for the failure of the United States, the international community to do something to stop genocide.'  He made, as I recall, some kind of vague reference to the failure of the international community to act and to help the Rwandans in their hour of need."
JAMES WOODS,Deputy Asst, Secretary of Defense, 1986-94: "Well, I would say that responsibility starts at the top.  And I know the president went to Rwanda and apologized and said he didn't really understand because he wasn't properly informed.  This is not true.  They were informed.  They were adequately informed."
      FRONTLINE    January 26, 1999     "The Triumph of Evil"      
IN PICTURES
      One hundred days   
      The story of the 1994 genocide in sound and pictures   
Friday, 2 April, 2004
'Taken over by Satan'
Gitera Rwamuhuzi
Gitera Rwamuhuzi: 'I saw everything'
In 1994 in the village of Nyarubuye, Rwanda, the Hutu majority went on a killing spree in the local church, slaughtering neighbours and friends.
Gitera Rwamuhuzi is one of those who took part in the genocide. This is his story.
  Before the genocide, life was normal. For us, as long as there was a harvest good enough to save us from buying food from the market, I would say that we were happy.
I heard that Tutsis were regarded as superior towards Hutus.  For example a Hutu could only change his social status by serving in a Tutsi's household.  The rest were low-class Hutus.
Because the RPF were blamed for the death of President Habyarimana, we thought that they had started with the high-ranking officials and that they were going to end up doing the same to us ordinary people.
We thought that if they had managed to kill the head of state, how were ordinary people supposed to survive?
On the morning of 15 April 1994, each one of us woke up knowing what to do and where to go because we had made a plan the previous night.  In the morning we woke up and started walking towards the church.
Some people did not even find someone to kill because there were more killers than victims
No life
After selecting the people who could use guns and grenades, they armed them and said we should surround the church.
They said one group would go south and another group would go to the north.  There were so many of us we were treading on each others' heels.
People who had grenades detonated them.  The Tutsis started screaming for help.
As they were screaming, those who had guns started to shoot inside.
They screamed saying that we are dying, help us, but the soldiers continued shooting.
I entered and when I met a man I hit him with a club and he died.
You would say why not two, three or four but I couldn't kill two or three because those that entered outnumbered those inside.
Some people did not even find someone to kill because there were more killers than victims.
When we moved in, it was as if we were competing over the killing.  We entered and each one of us began killing their own.
Each person who we cut looked like they had been hit by the grenades.  They looked traumatised.  They looked like their hearts had been taken away.
No one was asking for forgiveness.  They looked like they had been killed already.
These people were my neighbours — the picture of their deaths may never leave me
No life
My neighbours
Those you cut were just not saying anything.  They were scared that no one said anything.  They must have been traumatized.
Apart from breathing you could see that they had no life in them.  They looked like their hearts had been taken away.
I saw people whose hands had been amputated, those with no legs, and others with no heads.  I saw everything.
Especially seeing people rolling around and screaming in agony, with no arms, no legs.  People died in very bad conditions.
It was as if we were taken over by Satan.  We were taken over by Satan.  When Satan is using you, you lose your mind.  We were not ourselves.  Beginning with me, I don't think I was normal.
You wouldn't be normal if you start butchering people for no reason.  We had been attacked by the devil.
Even when I dream my body changes in a way I cannot explain.  These people were my neighbours.  The picture of their deaths may never leave me.  Everything else I can get out of my head but that picture never leaves.
Rwanda genocide: Ten years on
KEY STORIES
More background
At the time of the genocide there was one Hutu militia to ten families, 30,000 people in the government organized and paid militia.
AK-47 assault rifles were available to some militia, grenades were available to everyone who applied.
Most of the Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi were armed only with machetes.
Media played role in genocide
Rwanda news media, radio, newspapers played a crucial role in the genocide encouraging killings in the local towns and villages.
Radio was the most effective way for the government to deliver messages to the public.
Radio stations Radio Rwanda and Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) were key in inciting violence before and during the genocide acts of killing.
International media ignored events until the genocide killing activity was well underway.
March 1992, Radio Rwanda was used to directly create hysteria and promote the killing of Tutsi in Bugesera, south of the national capital Kigali.
Radio Rwanda repeatedly broadcast a communiqué warning that Hutu in Bugesera would be attacked by Tutsi.
This message was taken up by local officials who then proceeded to speak with and convince the local Hutu that they needed to protect themselves by attacking the Tutsi first.
So it began: Hutu civilians and members of the Interahamwe led by Rwanda soldiers began to attack and kill ethnic Tutsi.
Then came the assassination of the Burundi president, the October 21, 1993 assassination of newly elected President Melchior Ndadaye, the first democratically elected and first Hutu president of Burundi after winning the 1993 election.
Melchior Ndadaye sought to stop the build-up of what had become a huge ethnic, racial divide with Tutsis having for hundreds of years been able to rule over the country's much larger Hutu population — Tutsi averaging around nine percent of the population
Here again European culture comes into play with the “Hamitic Theory,” a racialist hypothesis created as stated earlier by John Hanning Speke, 1827 – 1864, an officer in the British Indian army.
Hamitic Theory significant reality in Rwandan genocide
“Hamitic” Bantu-speaking Tutsi people were written and said to be superior to the Bantu Hutu because among other facets they were said to be more Caucasoid in their facial features.
Tutsi people were thus appointed as destined to rule over the Hutu.
Burundi President Melchior Ndadaye reforms were disliked by the military commanders in the Tutsi-dominated army, and he was assassinated amidst a failed military coup in October 1993, after only three months in office.
His assassination sparked an array of brutal massacres between the Tutsi and Hutu ethnic groups in Burundi, conflict that became the decade-long Burundi Civil War, a civil war lasting from 1993 to 2005.
This “Hamitic Theory” is accepted by many to have been a significant reality in the Rwandan genocide.
This “White” or West adopted belief became fixed among the Tutsi that they were superior to the Hutu.
Because of this belief by the Tutsi, the Hutu who were in power in Rwanda came to see the Tutsi as an alien species
The Hutu came to see the Tutsi as not part of their understanding of themselves
The Hutu came to see the Tutsi as a major threat to themselves should the Tutsi after ruling over them for so many years achieve any significant power once again in Rwanda.
“The policy was divide and rule, a colonial placing Bantus as serfs.
And Nilotics as ruling aristos was wrong
But still supporting them against Bantus, at times,
In support of aspects of war.”
“They the Hutus are forced to give Tutsi offerings
And if they come around for food
They have to make a meal for them, either male or female
There is also hard-labour, that they have to do for them
We can blame part of it on Belgium making them do this, part on Germany
But also part on the Tutsi for actually being the enactors
Sometimes by Tutsi, but sometimes by Belgians
After all Belgians and other colonials did as bad as the Tutsis in their colonial eras.”
“There was famine and war in other areas of the world, outside of Europe in the 1940's
Among worst of all in 1943, in Rwanda-Burundi where 325,000 die.”
“The leaders were dictators, the kings were puppets who did nothing for their Hutu people that they ruled over, and forced them towards anger
While the governors were said to be dictators even by their own lot, ruling with the kings
They had seen serfdom, replaced by a similar form of tax in money in 1931.”
“And how Tutsis still look down on them
And feel superior and just give out flam, about equality while still ruling
Like a scumbag knight riding past a peasant
and just saying look at those people, they are terrible
Just as of the way they look, and wishing to discriminate them, and harm them forever.”
“But was not angry about tall people of a race ruling another, which is evil
The idea of taller ruling shorter is horrifying, surely to me
With taller claiming shorter are envious and such about them being taller, and rulers
When shorter say it is unfair that they are serfs and the other rulers
Or the scum, who when it is fashionable, to hate thugs dressed in a certain clothes
Some scumbags then call people scumbags for wearing unfashionable clothes
And act like someone wearing tracksuit bottoms, or trying to wear modern clothes
But is unfashionable is bad for being like that
When some are just that way and can not look like horrible smooth people
Or confident talkative, knowingly critical of others openly scumbags
A war the decent must win
Only attacking the people who hate them, or at times mass peoples
A horrible superior minded thing, that can only lead to war
Of saying horrible things about people poorer than you, then saying horrible things.”
“Real oppression, and everybody has power, who can use it to crush weaker, or not weaker
If anything shorter people are better and have achieved more than gorillas and such
As people are getting shorter after evolution as we need to be less
And the taller will have less compassion and understanding
Of why equality is needed as of being treated better
So often and so preferring inequality to equality at times
Which as we know from history is the great mistake, and evil
And needs change.”
TheWE.cc                           
US Pastor Rick Warren presents the International Medal of Peace 2009 to Rwandan President Paul Kagame, at the Saddleback Civic Forum.

Photo fogcityjournal.com
US Pastor Rick Warren presents the International Medal of Peace 2009 to Rwandan President Paul Kagame, at the Saddleback Civic Forum
Africa's Female Mandela?  Victoire Ingabiré Umuhoza on Trial
Opposition presidential candidate Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza stood before a judge in Kigali, Rwanda, on April 22, after the Kagame government arrested and charged her with 'associating with terrorists' and 'genocide ideology.'
A crime unique to Rwanda which includes 'divisionism' and 'revisionism,' meaning politics, and/or attempting to revise the received history of the 1994 Rwanda Genocide.
by Ann Garrison
Global Research, May 16, 2010
Plutocracy Now April 22, 2010
Erlinder is Professor of Constitutional Criminal Law and International Humanitarian Law at William Mitchell College of Law, President of ICTR-ADAD (Association des Avocats de la Defense), and past President of the National Lawyers Guild, NY, NY.
Not guilty
Most significantly, in Ingabiré's case, he is the Lead Defense Counsel in the Military-1 trial at the UN's International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda (ICTR), where he won a victory of enormous significance to Rwandan history — the acquittal of four former top military leaders accused of conspiring and planning to commit genocide or any other crimes in 1994.
The ICTR acquitted its highest ranking defendant, Colonel Bagosora, on December 18, 2008, after which Erlinder wrote:
". . . ALL of the top Rwandan military officers, including the supposedly infamous Colonel Bagosora, were found not guilty of conspiracy or planning to commit genocide.
And Gen. Gratien Kabiligi, a senior member of the general staff was acquitted of all charges!
The others were found guilty of specific acts committed by subordinates, in specific places, at specific times — not an overall conspiracy to kill civilians, much less Rwandan-Tutsi civilians."
"This raises the more profound question: If there was no conspiracy and no planning to kill ethnic (i.e., Tutsi) civilians, can the tragedy that engulfed Rwanda properly be called “a genocide” at all?
Or, was it closer to a case of civilians being caught up in war-time violence, like the Eastern Front in WWII, rather than the planned behind-the-lines killings in Nazi death camps? The ICTR judgment found the former."
"The Court specifically found that the actions of Rwandan military leaders, both before and after the April 6, 1994, assassination of former Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana, Rwanda's head of state at the time of his murder, were consistent with war-time conditions and the massive chaos brought about by the four-year war of invasion from Uganda by General Paul Kagame's RPF Army, which seized power in July 1994."
Professor Peter Erlinder, "Rwanda: No Conspiracy, No Genocide Planning. . . No Genocide?
Jurist, 12.23.2008, Global Research, 01.24.2009
14 years after slaughter that left 1 million dead
Erlinder says that the Court's ruling in December 2008 should have radically revised the world's understanding of the 1994 Rwanda Genocide, but because there were no international press covering the ICTR by December 2008, 14 years after the slaughter that left 1 million or more Rwandans dead, and because of international political investment in the received history, it continues to be told in the Wikipedia [Rwanda Genocide page] and repeated by most news outlets whenever they revisit Rwanda or the Rwandan violence of 1994.
At the ICTR, Erlinder was able to assemble the evidence and argue the case that led to the court's conclusion that there was no conspiracy, and no planning to commit genocide, and therefore no genocide crime like that covered by the international law created by the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the
Crime of Genocide after the Nazi death camps of World War II.
Though the international press had indeed turned away from Rwanda and the ICTR by December 2008, its attention is now on Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza and her trial, less than four months before Rwanda's August 9th polls.
Though her party, the United Democratic Forces,
(UDF)-Inkingi, remains unable to register, and she herself has now been indicted, she continues to attempt to contest the election.
Erlinder:
"Ingabire was arrested on trumped-up, political thought crimes, including association with a terrorist group, propagating the genocide ideology, genocide denial, revisionism, and divisionism, all arising from the 'crime' of publicly objecting to the Kagame military dictatorship, and Kagame's version of the Rwandan Civil War."
No conspiracy, no planning
If he and Rwandan lawyer Protais Mutembe can make the same case that he was able to make at the ICTR, then the international press may have to decide whether or not to report that, in Rwanda, in 1994, there was 'no conspiracy, no planning . . . no genocide?'
This, of course, depends on how the world defines 'genocide,' but, the genocide ideology statutes that Victoire is charged with violating — for having said that Hutus, as well as Tutsis, were victims of crimes against humanity — would become impossible to defend.
And, it might finally emerge that there has been a massive cover-up of the real story of what we know as the Rwanda Genocide, as Global Research writers have pointed out for years.
Examples:
Rwanda: Installing a U.S. Protectorate in Central Africa
The Geopolitics behind the Rwanda Genocide. Paul Kagame Accused of War Crimes, by Michel Chossudovsky.
The US Sponsored 'Rwanda Genocide' and its Aftermath
Psychological Warfare, Embedded Reporters and the Hunting of Refugees, by Keith Harmon Snow
U.S./U.K./Allies Grab Congo Riches and Millions Die, by Peter Erlinder.
If international reporters finally do begin to cover the real story of the Rwanda Genocide and the Congo War, then Paul Kagame's regime, which Hillary Clinton has called 'the beacon of hope' for Africa, will cease to seem so to the outside world.
No one, least of all Professor Erlinder, denies that the bloodshed in Rwanda, in 1994 was horrific.
History written by victors
But he says, as he did when I spoke to him for KPFA Radio, that the received history of Rwanda in 1994, and the ensuing war in neighboring D.R. Congo are history written by the victors, and by their backers, the U.S. and the UK:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0Yb29bk48q8
Indeed, on April 30, in an Oklahoma City, Oklahoma Court, Professor Erlinder, Kurt B. Kerns, and Oklahoma lawyer John P. Zelbst
filed a lawsuit.
This alleged that Kagame and nine of his current and former military officers and government officials are guilty of the assassination of Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana and Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira
The lawsuit alleges that government officials are guilty of subsequent acts which caused the civilian massacres that came to be known as the Rwanda Genocide, costing a million lives.
And, that they are guilty of racketeering to acquire and maintain an interest in the resources of the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, at a cost of 6 million more lives.
D.R. Congo is one of the most resource rich nations on earth and its mineral wealth.
Most of all its cobalt reserves, are essential to modern military industries' ability to manufacture for war.
The U.S. is the world's largest consumer of cobalt.
The eight counts alleged in
Habyarimana vs. Kagame are:
Wrongful Death — Murder,
Crimes against Humanity,
Violation of the Rights of Life, Liberty, and Security of Person,
Assault and Battery,
Intentional Infliction of Emotional Stress,
Violations of the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act,
Torture, and,
Conspiracy to Torture
Media outlets around the world reported that Kagame had escaped process service in the U.S. on April 30th, but Peter Erlinder told KPFA Radio News, that Kagame had violated the law by doing so, and, that, assuming the law is upheld, he will be served and required to answer.
Click to listen to KPFA Radio
News, May 2, 2010:
As Erlinder, and lawyers Kurt P. Kerns and John P. Zelbst, prepare to advance the case against Rwandan President Paul Kagame, Erlinder and Kerns also prepare to defend Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, against Kagame's Rwandan government.
"I consider it my job to say things that my clients are not free to say," says Erlinder, "and I'm sure that Mrs. Ingabire realized that when she asked me to defend her."
Also, click to play:
KPFA Radio News
News, April 4, 2010: Peter Erlinder and Paul Rusesabagina on the 16th anniversary of political assassinations that triggered the Rwanda Genocide.
KMEC Radio News,
April 28, 2010: Parti Social-Imberakuri Candidate Bernard Ntaganda and banned Rwandan Umuseso Newspaper Editor Didas Gasana on political and press repression in Rwanda.
Rwanda/Congo News videos on
AnnieGetYourGang, a Youtube Channel.
Ann Garrison is an independent journalist based in San Francisco
© Copyright 2005-2010 GlobalResearch.ca
 
 
IN PICTURES
One hundred days
The story of the 1994 genocide in sound and pictures
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